Three Rivers
Hudson~Mohawk~Schoharie
History From America's Most Famous Valleys
Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea

Including the Indian Wars of the American Revolution

by William L. Stone. Volume II

Buffalo: Phinney & Co., 1851.

Chapter XI.

Preparations for an Indian Consultation at Philadelphia-Captain Brant invited to attend-His objections-Letter of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland to Captain Brant- Letter of the Secretary of War to the same-Letter of Colonel Gordon to the same-Letter of Captain Brant to the Secretary of War-The Secretary of War to Captain Brant-Attempts from Montreal to prevent Brant from going to Philadelphia-His journey-Feelings against him in the Mohawk Valley-His arrival at New-York and Philadelphia-Liberal offers made him-Letter to the Count de Puisy-The offers rejected-Undertakes a Mission of Peace to the Miamis- Returns to New-York-Pursued by a German from the German Flats bent on taking his life-Discovered in New-York-Brant returns to Niagara-Murder of Colonel Harden and Major Trueman-Letters of Brant to the Secretary at War-Feelings of the Western Nations-Correspondence between Brant and McKee-Great Indian Council at the Au Glaize-Sickness of Captain Brant -Hostilities deferred until Spring, and a treaty with the United States ordered- Return of the Delegates of the Six Nations-Address to President Washington -Separate organization of Upper Canada-Arrival of Governor Simcoe-Letter to Brant from the Duke of Northumberland-Preparations for the Great Council of 1783-Fresh dissatisfaction of the Indians-Private Councils-They send their ultimatum in anticipation-The American Commissioners depart for the Indian country-Their arrival at Niagara-Friendly conduct of Governor Simcoe -Celebration of the King's Birthday-The Commissioners start for the West- Their progress interrupted-Conduct of General Wayne-Brant suddenly returns from the West with a Deputation-Council held at Fort Erie-Commissioners return to Niagara-Council there-Speech of Captain Brant-Reply of the Commissioners-Speech of Cat's-Eyes-Rejoinder of Brant-Arrival of the Seven Nations-Brant proceeds to the Miami Rapids-Followed by the Commissioners-Arrival at the Detroit River-Their progress interrupted-Unexpected turn of affairs-Explanations with Deputies from the Great Council-Long Debates in the Indian Council-Brant speaks strongly for peace-Governor Simcoe declines advising the Indians-The negotiations suddenly terminated by the Indians-Their address-And sine qua non.

AT the treaty with the Six Nations, except the Mohawks, holden by Colonel Pickering at the Painted Post,* in the preceding month of June, an arrangement was made with certain of their chiefs to visit Philadelphia, then the seat of government of the United States, during the session of Congress to ensue in the winter of 1791-92. The motive for this invitation was three-fold. First, if possible, to attach them more cordially to the interests of the United States. Secondly, to consult as to the best methods of extending to them the advantages and blessings
* From the earliest knowledge the white men have possessed of the country of western New-York, the Painted Post has been noted as a geographical landmark. When first traversed by the white men, a large oaken post stood at the spot, which has retained the name to this day. It was painted in the Indian manner, and was guarded as a monument by the Indians, who renewed it as often as it gave evidence of going to decay. Tradition says it was a monument of great antiquity, marking the spot of a great and bloody battle, according to some statements. According to others, it was erected to perpetuate the memory of some great war-chief.

of civilization. Thirdly, to impress them with just opinions as to the physical and moral strength of the country, that they might see with their own eyes how futile must be every warlike effort of the Indians against the United States. The improvement of the moral and social condition of the Indians was an object dear to the heart of the President, and he lost no opportunity, on all proper occasions, of impressing upon their minds the desire of the United States to become the protectors, friends, and ministers of good to all the sons of the forest peaceably disposed. From the great influence of Captain Brant, not only with the Six Nations, but over all the Indian nations, it was deemed an important point to persuade him to attend the anticipated Council at Philadelphia. Great efforts were accordingly made for the attainment of that object.

The first invitation was given by Colonel Pickering by letter. Apprehending, however; that a mere invitation would not be a sufficient inducement for the veteran chief to undertake the journey, the Secretary of War, on the 20th of December, wrote to the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the well-known Indian missionary, requesting him to repair from Oneida to Genesee, to meet the chiefs of the Six Nations who were going to Philadelphia, and conduct them thither. Arriving at that place, Mr. Kirkland was instructed to write to Captain Brant in his own name, and dispatch messengers, assuring him of his welcome reception by the government of the United States, and pledging himself for his personal safety. These steps were promptly taken by Mr. Kirkland; to whom Captain Brant wrote a reply, declining the invitation-for what reasons, as this letter seems not to have been preserved, can only be inferred from the subsequent correspondence of the Secretary of War and Mr. Kirkland. By a letter from the former, it appears that the chief thought the invitation not sufficiently formal. By a letter from Mr. Kirkland, also addressed to the chief himself, it would seem that the latter was apprehensive that, should he undertake the journey, the American government would expect him to travel like the common herds of Indians who frequently, as now, were in the habit of visiting the capital of the Republic,-and who are usually led through the country in a drove by a single conductor. Such, however, was not the intention of the government, as will more fully appear by the following correspondence:-

REV. MR. KIRKLAND TO CAPTAIN BRANT. (EXTRACT.)
" Genesee, February 17, 1792.

" My dear and worthy friend, it is not in my power, at this instant, even to attempt such a reply to your letter by Dr. Allen as it justly merits. Suffice it to say, it was not in my idea that you should be crowded into the company of all the old chiefs, and dragged along promiscuously with them through the proposed tour to Philadelphia. No, Sir; the respect I have for your character and happiness would have spurned at, the thought. Dr. Allen was apprised of this, and directed to ac quaint you with my instructions relative to the same. You need, Sir, be under no apprehensions of any neglect, or want of proper attention on my part, in the proposed tour, or of a cordial reception upon your arrival at the seat of government. Pardon me, if I say you will have occasion much more to fear the opposite extreme. There are so many matters of importance relative to the Indians upon which I have a desire to converse with you, that I cannot willingly relinquish the idea of a personal interview.

" Believe me, my dear friend, that your honor and happiness, as well as the cause of humanity, have a share of my affection and concern. It is very possible I may be partial in your favor by reason of your rescuing my life at the beginning of the late war, which instance I can never forget, and have thousands of times mentioned to your praise. I cannot but natter myself, from the sensibility of soul you possess, that you will so adjust your domestic affairs as to honor me with a short visit in this vicinity next Spring, should I return here at that season ; and should you, upon mature deliberation, conclude to come down sooner, General Chapin and Dr. Allen will be ready to wait on you wherever you please to go. Excuse the abruptness with which I close, being much crowded-wishing you every form of happiness, believe me to be, in great truth and esteem,

" Dear Sir, your affectionate friend
" And very humble serv't.
" S. KIRKLAND.
" Col. J. Brant.

" P. S. Please remember me respectfully to Dr. Kerr and his lady. I am exceedingly sorry for the detention of my former letter, which deprived me of the happiness of a personal interview. I hope this will be delivered by the bearer's own hand, your friend, Captain Hendrick."

Nearly at the same time that Mr. Kirkland was thus endeavoring to persuade the chief to comply with the request of the government in this matter, the Secretary of War addressed directly to him a letter as full, courteous, and formal, as the most fastidious diplomatist could have desired:-

THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" Philadelphia, February 25th, 1792"

SIR,

" Colonel Pickering, who had some communications with the Senecas and others of the Six Nations, during the last two years, was duly authorised to invite you to visit this city, in order to consult you upon the best means of civilizing and advancing the happiness of the Indians. Some information has been recently received from Mr. Kirkland, intimating your disposition to perform the visit, but declining to do it upon the former invitation, as not being sufficiently explicit.

" I now repeat to you this invitation, accompanied with a wish that you would repair to this city, being the seat of the American government; and I can assure you that the President of the United States will be highly gratified by receiving and conversing with a chief of such eminence as o you are, on a subject so interesting and important to the human race.

" This invitation is given to you from the fairest motives. The President of the United States is conscious of the purest disposition to promote, generally; the welfare of the Indians; and he flatters himself that proper occasions only are wanting to impress them with the truth of this assertion. He considers your mind more enlightened than theirs, and he hopes that your heart is filled with a true desire to serve the essential interests of your countrymen. The United States, much against the inclination of the government, are engaged in hostilities with some of the western Indians. We, on our parts, have entered into it with reluctance, and consider it as a war of necessity; and not, as is supposed, and industriously propagated, by many, for the purpose of accumulating more land than has been ceded by the treaty with the Indians, since the peace with Great Britain. We are desirous of bringing it to a conclusion, not from any apprehension as to a favorable result, because, by a comparison of forces and resources, however troublesome a perseverance therein may be to us, it must be utter destruction to the hostile Indians. We are desirous, for the sake of humanity, of avoiding such a catastrophe.

" This is the main business which will be mentioned to you on the part of the United States ; and it is an object worthy of the best cultivated head and heart. If you should enter into this view, Mr. Kirkland has directions to concert with you the most satisfactory mode of your performing the journey. The nature of the case will show the necessity of your coming without delay, if you incline to accept the invitation.

"I am, Sir, H. KNOX.
" To Capt. Joseph Brant."

This letter was enclosed by General Knox to Mr. Kirkland, who was assured that the presence of Captain Brant in Philadelphia was considered of great importance." Mr. Kirkland was accordingly enjoined to spare no pains in endeavoring to induce him to come, and to arrange with him the most satisfactory mode of travelling-to make It as flattering to him as might be, and to accompany him." Mr. Kirkland despatched the letter of the Secretary immediately to Colonel Gordon, at Niagara, by the hand of Dr. Allen, with a request that it might be transmitted by the Colonel to its place of destination-Grand River. But Mr. Kirkland's messenger disclosed to Colonel Gordon the contents of the package, thereby enabling that officer to exert an immediate influence upon the mind of the chief, if he chose to do so. The result was, that, accompanying the Secretary's letter, Captain Brant received the following communication :-

COLONEL GORDON TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" Niagara, 20th March, 1792.

" My DEAR FRIEND,
" The packet which I now send you was brought here by a Doctor Allen, from Canadasago. I do not know the contents, farther, than the bearer tells me it is a letter from the Secretary at War of the United States, inviting you to Philadelphia on business of consequence.

" Your own good sense will best dictate the answer you ought to give.

" Should it have a reference to the bringing about a peace with the Western Indians, I cannot conceive that Philadelphia is the place where a conference of so much moment ought to be held; as it is evident none of the Western Indians, whose dearest interests are concerned in the event, can be present; and if any steps are taken by the Six Nations without their concurrence, it is much to be feared it will give rise to jealousies, which may be attended with disagreeable consequences hereafter.

" If the United States have at length seriously determined to do justice to, and make peace with, the Western Indians, a General council should be convened in some convenient situation, where deputies from all the nations concerned, as well as commissioners on the part of Great Britain and America, can be assembled. The views of all parties would then be clearly defined ; an accurate boundary ascertained ; past acts of hostility be buried in oblivion ; and such measures adopted as would tend to establish permanent peace and friendship on a solid and equitable basis.

" In the many conversations we have had on this subject, we have generally agreed, that from the line of conduct the United States have hitherto pursued, it did not appear that they had this object seriously in view; and I am sorry to observe, from the mode of proceeding on the present occasion, there is too much reason to suspect they have not yet seen their error.

"In almost every transaction they have had with the Six Nations during the course of the last two years, there has appeared a duplicity and inconsistency, on which it is impossible to put a liberal construction.

" The Six Nations, in the present critical situation of affairs with their western brethren, ought to be exceedingly cautious how they involve themselves either one way or another. Great Britain is at peace with the United States, and it is thereforeanxiously wished that her friends, the Indians in general, should be so likewise ; every advice which has been given to them had that object in view ; and I still hope the period is at no great distance, when this desirable event will be accomplished on equitable terms, and to the mutual satisfaction of all parties.

"I have thus, my dear friend, been induced to give you my private opinion on the present occasion, and I am fully persuaded you will pursue a line of conduct that will deserve the approbation of your brethren and friends.

" Accept my sincere good wishes, and believe me, "with much regard, your friend,
" A. GORDON.

" P. S. I understand some of the Senecas from Buffalo Creek are gone to Philadelphia on Colonel Pickering's former invitation, which, 1 am told, causes much uneasiness in the village. "Captain Joseph Brant, Grand River."

This was certainly an artful communication. His Majesty's
commander at Niagara was desirous that peace should be restor-
ed between the Indians and the United States, but takes care not
to omit the oft-repealed insinuations of injustice and bad faith on
the part of the latter toward the former. In one word, notwith-
standing his pacific protestations, Colonel Gordon was desirous
of peace only through the agency of British intervention, and
his present purpose was, to prevent the influential chief of the
Mohawks from visiting the seat of the American government.
Notwithstanding the Colonel's letter, however, the chief address-
ed the following conditional acceptance of the invitation to the
Secretary of "War:-

CAPTAIN BRANT TO GENERAL KNOX.
" Nassau, March 27th, 1792.
" Sir:-

" Yours of the 25th of February I have the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of, and entertain the highest sense of the honor done me by the invitation and flattering complimnent contained therein. It is a visit I have long been desirous of making, and the time now seems not to be far distant when that desire will be accomplished. Visiting you as an individual, would be by no means tending to the accomplishing any good end, as those meetings must show that have hitherto been held with people not deputized by the nation in general to transact business. I should therefore wish to visit you, vested with some power that will enable me to speak with certainty as to what I may assert, and not assert what I, at the same time, must well know would be by no means approved of. This has been too much the case of late years, and in my opinion is principally the cause of the present disturbances. An explanation of grievances it is absolutely necessary should be made, and that to the head of the United States, from whom I entertain not the smallest doubt but justice will be given where due. To accomplish such desirable ends as civilization and peace-making, no exertions on my part shall be wanting; and though circumstances render it impossible for me to do myself the honor of accepting the invitation at present, as I cannot say whether the western nations would approve of it, I shall nevertheless despatch messengers immediately to the Miamis, with your invitation, to have the opinion of the people there, who, I have no great reason to suppose otherwise than that they'll approve of my going, and very possibly invest me with such powers as will give energy to what I may do.

" My messengers, I suppose, will return here in about thirty days, until when, I shall remain at home. If visiting you after that would not be too late to answer the good end intended, I shall endeavor to accomplish my wished-for journey-at least if I may hear from you in answer to this, ere that period.

" I am, Sir,
" With esteem,
"Yours, &c.
" JOSEPH BRANT.

" The Secretary of War."

Immediately on the receipt of this letter at the War Department, General Israel Chopin, of Genesee, was appointed a Deputy Indian Agent by the President, with instructions to transmit the following communication to Captain Brant, and make all needful preparations for his journey:-

THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO CAPTAIN BRANT
" April 23d, 1792.
" SIR : I have received your letter of the 27th of March, postponing your visit to this city until a period of thirty days after that date.

" I regret exceedingly the existence of any circumstance which suspended your visit. But as the dispositions of the President of the United States remain the same, as to the objects mentioned in my former letter, I can with great truth assure you that your visit at the time you have proposed, will be cordially received.

" General Chapin, who is appointed an agent of the Five Nations, will either accompany you to this city, or he will obtain some other person for that purpose, as shall be agreed upon between you and him.

" I am, &c. &c.
" H. KNOX
" To Captain Joseph Brant"

Pending this correspondence, however, the proposed conference with a deputation of the Six Nations, referred to in the postscript of Colonel Gordon's letter, took place in Philadelphia. It was begun on the 13th of March, and protracted until near the close of April. Fifty sachems were present, and the visit resulted to the mutual satisfaction of the parties. In addition to arrangements upon other subjects, the delegations agreed to perform a pacific mission to the hostile Indians, and endeavor to persuade them to peace. But such were their dilatory movements, that they did not depart from Buffalo for the Miamis until the middle of September. At the head of this embassage was that fast friend of the United States, the Corn-planter.

In regard to the mission of Captain Brant, in addition to the dissuasions of Colonel Gordon, strenuous efforts were made by the official friends of the chief at Montreal, to prevent his visit to the federal capital. On the 1st of May he was addressed by Mr. Joseph Chew, an officer under Sir John Johnson, expressing much satisfaction at the refusal of the first invitation by Captain Brant, and advising the chief of the preparations the Americans were making for another Indian campaign. The following passage occurs in this letter:-" I see they expect to have an army of about five thousand men, besides three troops of horse. By the advertisements for supplies of provisions, &c., it seems this army will not be able to move before the last of July. What attempts Wilkinson and Hamtramck may make with the militia, is uncertain. Our friends ought to be on their guard. I long to know what they think in England of the victory gained over St. Clair's army."* On the 23d of May, Brant advised Mr. Chew that he had accepted the invitation ;+ and on the 19th of June, the latter gentleman replied-expressing his regrets that several of his letters to the Chief had not been received prior to his taking that resolution. Mr. Chew, who doubtless expressed the views of Sir John Johnson and the Executive government of the province, thought the Captain should not have accepted such an invitation without previously knowing the wishes of the King, in regard to the means of bringing about a peace between the Americans and the Indians. In the same letter he also announces to " his namesake," as he calls the Captain, that a Mr. Hammond was on his way to the Indian country, charged with an offer of his Majesty's mediation.++

The necessary arrangements having been adjusted, the journey was commenced early in June. General Chapin not being able to accompany the Chief to the seat of government, he was attended by the General's son, and by Doctor Allen, and two body servants of his own-all mounted. Their route from Niagara to Albany was taken through the Mohawk Valley. At Palatine, by previous invitation, the Captain visited Major James Cochran, who had then recently established himself in that place. But the feelings of the inhabitants had become so embittered against him during the war of the Revolution, and such threats were uttered by some of the Germans, of a determination to take his life, that it was deemed prudent for him privately to leave the inn, where his friend Major Cochran was then at lodgings, and sleep at the house of Mrs. Peter Schuyler in the neighborhood, where he would be less likely to be assailed. He did so, and the next morning pursued his journey.ll With this exception , he was well received at every point of his journey. His arrival in New-York was thus announced in the newspapers :-" On Monday last arrived in this city, from his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in this " quarter, Captain Joseph Brant of the British army, the famous " Mohawk chief who so eminently distinguished himself during
* Original letters among the Brant papers. + Idem. ++ Idem.
ll Letter of Major Cochran to the author.

the late war as the military leader of the Six Nations. "We are informed that he intends to visit the city of Philadelphia, and pay his respects to the President of the United States."

He arrived in Philadelphia on the 20th of June, where he was announced in terms very similar to the above, and received by the Government with marked attention. But few memorials of this visit have been preserved. The President announced his arrival in respectful terms, on the 21st of June, in a letter addressed to Gouverneur Morris; and he speaks of the circumstance -again in a subsequent letter, but makes no allusion to the result of his interviews with him. No doubt, strong efforts were made, snot only to engage his active interposition with the Indians to bring about a peace, but likewise to win him over permanently to the interests of the United States. In a letter subsequently addressed by Captain Brant to the Count de Puisy,* in regard to his difficulties with the British government touching the title to the Grand River territory, while pleading the claims of his Indians to the favorable consideration of the Crown, and repelling certain charges of selfishness which had been bruited respecting himself, the following passage occurs on the subject of the proposals made to him by the American Executive ;-" I am sorry to find that my perseverance in endeavoring to obtain our rights, has caused unjust surmises to be formed of my intentions, notwithstanding the many evident proofs I have shown of my integrity and steady attachment to the British interest. Had I not been actuated by motives of honor, and preferred the interests of his Majesty, and the credit of my nation, to my own private welfare, there were several allurements of gain offered me by the Government of the United States when I was at Philadelphia, during the time the Shawanese and other tribes maintained a war against them. I was offered a thou" sand guineas down, and to have the half-pay and pension I receive from Great Britain doubled, merely on condition that I
* The Count de Puisy was one of the French nobles driven into exile by the revolution of 1789. He subsequently held a commission as Lieutenant General in the British service, and commanded a detachment of the emigrants in the Quiberon expedition. Receiving a grant of land in Canada from the British crown, as did several of the exiles, the Count came over, and resided for a time near Niagara. During this period he formed an intimate acquaintance with Captain Brant, who corresponded with him after his return to England. The Count resided somewhere in the neighborhood of London until his death, which happened many years afterward.

would use my endeavors to bring about a peace. But this I rejected. I considered it might be detrimental to the British interests, as also to the advantage and credit of the Indian nations, until the Americans should make the necessary concessions. Afterward I was offered the pre-emption right to land to the amount of twenty thousand pounds currency of the United States, and fifteen hundred dollars per annum. This I considered as inconsistent with the principles of honor to re" ceive, as by accepting of any of these offers, they might expect me to act contrary to his Majesty's interest and the honor of our nations; and from the repeated assurances of his Majesty's representatives, I had full confidence his bounty would never fail."

But notwithstanding his refusal of these propositions, the result of the interview seems at the time to have been mutual satisfaction. The true causes of the war with the western Indians were explained to him; and great pains were taken by the President and Secretary of War to impress upon his mind the sincere desire of the United States to cultivate the most amicable relations with the sons of the forest, of any and every tribe. In the end, the Chief was induced to undertake a mission of peace to the Miamis, for which purpose he was furnished with ample instructions by the Secretary of War. Most emphatically was he enjoined to undeceive the Indians in regard to their apprehensions that the United States were seeking to wrest from them farther portions of their lands. On this point the Government solemnly disclaimed the design of taking a foot more than had been ceded in the treaty of Muskingum in 1789. The Chief left Philadelphia about the 1st of July, on which occasion the Secretary of War wrote to General Chapin, among other things, as follows :-" Captain Brant's visit will, I flatter myself, be productive of great satisfaction to himself, by being made acquainted with the humane views of the President of the United States." To Governor Clinton the Secretary likewise wrote as follows:-" Captain Brant appears to be a judicious and sensible man. I natter myself his journey will be satisfactory to himself and beneficial to the United States."

The Chief returned by the same route, lingering a few days in New-York, where he was visited by some of the most distinguished gentlemen in the city. It has been mentioned, a few
VOL. II. 22

pages back, that Brant was apprehensive of some attempt upon his life in the Mohawk Valley. Indeed, he had been informed that it would be unsafe for him to traverse that section of country, lest some real or fancied wrong, connected with the war of the Revolution, should be avenged by assassination. Nor were these apprehensions groundless; for while resting in New-York, he ascertained that he had not only been pursued from the German Flatts, but that the pursuer was then in the city watching for an opportunity to effect his purpose. The name of this pursuer was Dygert. Several members of his father's family had fallen in the battle of Oriskany, fifteen years before, and this man had deliberately determined to put the leader of the Indian warriors to death in revenge. Brant's lodgings were in Broadway,* where he was visited, among others, by Colonel Willett and Colonel Morgan Lewis, both of whom he had met in the field of battle in years gone by. While in conversation with these gentlemen, he mentioned the circumstance of Dygert's pursuit, and expressed some apprehensions at the result, should he be attacked unawares. Before his remarks were concluded, glancing his quick eye to the window, he exclaimed, " there is Dygert now!" True enough, the fellow was then standing in the street, watching the motions of his intended victim. Colonel Willett immediately descended into the street, and entered into a conversation with Dygert, charging his real business upon him, which he did not deny. " Do you know," asked Willett, " that if you kill that savage, you will be hanged ?" " Who," replied the ignorant German, " would hang me for killing an Indian ?" " You will see," rejoined the Colonel; " if you execute your purpose, you may depend upon it you will be hanged up immediately." This was presenting the case in a new aspect to Dygert, who, until that moment, seemed to suppose that he could kill an Indian with as much propriety in a time of peace as in war-in " the streets of New-York as well as in legal battle in the woods. After deliberating a few moments, he replied to Colonel Willett, that if such was the law, he would give it up and return home.+
*The old wooden building where the City Hotel now stands.
+ These particulars have recently been communicated to the author in a conversation with the venerable Governor, then Colonel Lewis, and confirmed by a letter from Major Cochran, with whom Brant conversed on the subject. Indeed the hostility of the Mohawk-Germans toward all Indians, after the close of the war, was deep and

He did so, and the Mohawk chief shortly afterward reached Niagara in safety.

Independently of the proposed mediation of Captain Brant, the Government of the United States, in its great solicitude to prevent the effusion of blood, had employed a large number of messengers of peace, among whom, in addition to the fifty chiefs of the Six Nations already mentioned, were the Rev. Mr. Heckewelder; General Rums Putnam, Colonel Hardin, Major Trueman, and a man named Freeman. The celebrated Hendrick; chief of the Stockbridge Indians, was also employed upon the same service. It is possible that Captain Brant was not well pleased at the appointment of so large a number of pacificators-very naturally preferring the honor of being the sole agent of terminating the war. It would have been no inconsiderable subject of boasting, to be enabled to say " Alone I did it!" Hence, we may reasonably infer; the tone of the annexed letter, addressed to the Secretary of War by Captain Brant on his arrival at Niagara-a fitting occasion for writing it having been furnished by the murder of Major Trueman.*
universal. The author well remembers a pensioner living in the neighborhood of the village of Herkimer, named Hartmann, who, some years after the war, deliberately killed an Indian at the German Flatts, moved only by his revolutionary thirst for vengeance. Hartmann, it is true, had been grievously hacked and wounded by the Indians, so that he was disabled from labor for life. He was a very ignorant man, and thought it no harm to kill an Indian at any time. Happening one day, in after years, to fall in with a son of the forest, he persuaded the savage to let him examine his rifle. The moment he obtained the weapon, he dropped slowly behind, and shot his confiding companion. He was arrested and carried to Johnstown for trial, but the investigation was so managed as to produce an acquittal. The excuse of Hartmann for the commission of the deed, was, that he saw the Indian's tobacco-pouch,which was, as he said, made of the skin of a child's hand. It was, probably, a leather glove which the Indian had found.

* Three of the messengers of peace above mentioned, Messrs. Trueman, Freeman, and Hardin, were murdered by the Indians during that season. Formerly no nations on earth were wont to respect the sacred character of " the man of peace" more than the Indians. But they had now become treacherous even to them. They pleaded, however, the example of the whites, who, they alleged, paid no attention to treaties with the Indians, but treated them as a contemptible race, and had killed several of their own messengers of peace, some of whom were chiefs.-Vide Heckewelder's History of Indian Nations, chapter xxi. President Washington, who was then at Mount Vernon, announced the death of Hardin and Trueman, together with" the harbingers of their mission," in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, on the 23d of August. Every thing then looked hostile at the west; added to which were rising difficulties with the Cherokees, occasioned, as was supposed, by the intrigues of Spain. "If Spain is really intriguing with the Southern Indians,"

CAPTAIN BRANT TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
" Niagara, 26th July, 1792.
" SIR,

" Since my arrival here, I am sorry to have to say that intelligence respecting Major Trueman's being killed by an Indian boy, who met with him a hunting, has arrived. This will induce you to recollect what passed between us relative to messages being sent. The route by Presque Isle I again recommend as the most eligible ; from thence keeping along the lake to the Miamis, at which place the chiefs are aptest to be met with ; and when once there, they are safe. Sending such number of messengers rather makes the Indians suspicious of your intentions, and by any other route they are much more liable to meet with hunters. There are now great numbers of Indians collected, and, from all their councils, seem determined upon a new boundary line. In short, they are all sensible that what has hitherto been done, (which I fully explained to you,) was unfair; and I am of opinion peace will not easily be established without your relinquishing part of your claim. The purchases were all made from men who had no right to sell, and who are now to be thanked for the present difficulties.*

" The Senecas and Seven Nations of Canada are now waiting at Fort Erie for a passage for Detroit, on their way to the Miamis. I shall be able to go up by the next trip of the vessel. My intention and wish is still for the accomplishing of peace. 'Tis a business will require time ; things too rashly or hastily agreed upon, seldom have the effect of those seriously and coolly reflected on ; knowing the foundation to be just, and the benefits that will arise therefrom, affords a greater space for forwarding the business.
said the President, " I shall entertain strong suspicions that there is a very clear understanding in all this business between the Courts of London and Madrid ; and that it is calculated to check, as far as they can, the rapid increase, extension, and consequence of this country ; for there cannot be a doubt of the wishes of the former, if we may judge from the conduct of its officers, to preclude any eclaircissement of ours with the Western Indians, and to embarrass our negotiations with them, any more than there is of their traders and some others, who are subject to their government, aiding and abetting them in acts of hostility."-Letter of Washington to Jefferson, August 23d, 1792.
* The writer here refers to the treaty of Fort Harmer, which the great majority of the Indians always maintained was unauthorized by their people, and therefore of no binding force upon them.

" After leaving your place until toy arrival here, I had a tedious journey. The fatigue is done away by the recollection of the politeness and attention showed me by your officers of government, for which I cannot but return my warmest thanks, and request you to communicate the same. If any return should be in my power to make, I shall think myself particularly happy.

" And am, Sir,
" Yours, &c.
" Jos. BRANT.
" The Secretary of War."

Apprehensive, from the opposition of his friends to his Philadelphia mission, that evil reports might have been circulated concerning him, and distrust of his fidelity engendered among the upper nations, on the 29th of July the Captain wrote to his friend M'Kee, at Detroit, making inquiries as to that and various other points, and also with a view of ascertaining whether his presence would be acceptable at the then approaching council at the Miamis. In reply, Colonel M'Kee assured him that, " whatever bad birds had been flying about," the opinions of the western Indians respecting him were unchanged, and that they were anxious for his presence among them, to aid in their consultations for the general welfare. In regard to the murder of the American messengers, Colonel M'Kee said they were killed by a banditti, and the circumstance was regretted, " although the Indians considered that the messengers had been sent more with a view to gain time, and lull the confederacy into a fatal security, than to effect a peace, since they have proposed no other terms than what the nations rejected at first; and you must be perfectly sensible," (added Colonel M'K.) " that after two successful general engagements, in which a great deal of blood has been spilt, the Indians will not quietly give up by negotiation what they have been contending for with their lives since the commencement of these troubles." Captain Brant having expressed an opinion that the hostile nations would not be likely to move again until the effect of farther negotiation should be known, M'Kee replied, that the Indians did not look upon " the hostile preparations of the Americans, " such as forming posts and magazines in the heart of their country, as indicating much sincerity on their part; nor do they [the Indians] think that such establishments would tend to conciliate or convince them that the Americans wish for peace on any reasonable terms, or on the terms proposed by the confederacy the beginning of last year. A great council is soon to be held at the Au Glaize-the chiefs not judging it proper to move lower down at present, on account of the American force collecting at Fort Jefferson." In regard to the treaty of Muskigum, (Fort Harmar,) Colonel M'Kee said-" Duintate, the Chief who conducted that business, is dead; but he always declared that he, and all the chiefs who were with him there, were imposed upon-imagining that what they signed was a treaty of amity, and not a cession of country; and were not undeceived until they had been some time returned to their respective villages, and had their papers explained to them. Some messengers are arrived at the Glaize from the westward of the Mississippi, announcing that large bodies of their nations are collected, and will shortly be here to give their assistance to the general confederacy; so that; in all probability, more nations will soon be assembled here than at any former period." *

The letter from which the preceding extracts have been made, was dated from the " Foot of the Miami Rapids, September 4th, 1792." The council of which it speaks, was held at the Au Glaize, on the Miami of Lake Erie, in the course of the Autumn. A fit of sickness, however, prevented the attendance of Thayendanegea. The Corn-planter, and forty-eight of the chiefs of the Six Nations, residing within the boundaries of the United States, repaired thither, together with about thirty chiefs and warriors of the Mohawks, and other Canada Indians. But they were not well received, in their character of peace-makers, by the hostiles, who were sturdily bent upon continuing the war. The council was numerously attended on the part of the western tribes ; the Shawanese were the only speakers in favor of war, and Red Jacket from the Senecas was alone the orator in opposition, or in behalf of the friendly Indians. The Shawanese taunted the Six Nations with having first induced them to form a great confederacy, a few years before, and of having come to the council now " with the voice of the United States folded under their arm."+ There were indications of an angry pas-
*Correspondence among the Brant papers.
+ Alluding to the belt by which they were to speak.

sage between the two parties in the earlier stages of the council ; but after mutual explanations, harmony was restored. The result was, that the hostile Indians finally agreed to suspend belligerent operations for the winter, and to meet the United States in council at the Rapids of the Miami in the following Spring. The basis of the proposed armistice, however, was, that the United States should withdraw their troops from the western side of the Ohio. Nor did they hold out any prospect of treating in the Spring, upon any other principle than that of making the Ohio the boundary, and receiving payment for their improvements on the south-eastern side of that river. They insisted that the United States should allow them all the lands they possessed in Sir William Johnson's time, and that upon no other terms would they agree to a treaty of peace. The council was dissolved about the 10th or 12th of October ; and Captain Brant did not arrive at the Au Glaize until after it had broken up. It was a very large council. There were representatives in attendance from the Gora nations, whom it had taken a whole season to travel thither. There were also present, besides the Six Nations and the north-western tribes, twenty-seven nations from beyond the Canadian territory.

On the return of the friendly Indians to Buffalo, a grand council was called, at which the Indian agents of the Five Nations were present, and also Colonel Butler, and a number of other gentlemen from Niagara. At this council, the proceedings and speeches at the An Glaize were rehearsed, and in conclusion of their mission, the Six Nations transmitted the follow ing speech to the President of the United States; from which it will appear that, though friendly to them, the Six Nations, after all, were yet more friendly to the Miamis, and their claim of the Ohio for a boundary :-

SPEECH FROM THE SIX NATIONS TO THE PRESIDENT.

" You sent us on to the westward, with a message of peace to the hostile Indians.

" We proceeded accordingly to your directions, and was protected, going and coming, by the Great Spirit.

" We give thanks to the Great Spirit, that we have all returned safe to our seats.

" While we was at the westward, we exerted ourselves to bring about peace. The fatigues we underwent are not small. Now, it is our desire for your people on the Ohio to lay down their arms, or otherwise it is all in vain what we have done.

" Now, if you wish for peace, you must make every exertion, and proceed through this path we have directed for you. If peace does not take place, the fault must arise from your people.

" We now desire you, Brothers, to send forward agents, who are men of honesty, not proud land-jobbers, but men who love and desire peace. Also, we desire they may be accompanied by some friend, or Quaker, to attend the council.

" Wish you to exert yourself to forward the message to the western Indians as soon as possible ; and we are taken by the hand, and have agreed, next Spring, to attend the council at the Rapids of Miami, when we shall hear all that takes place there."

Notwithstanding the stipulations of the Shawanese and Miamis to call in their warriors, and commit no farther hostilities until the grand council should be held in the following Spring, the armistice was not very rigidly observed, and skirmishes were frequent along the border. On the 6th of November, Major Adair, commanding a detachment of Kentucky volunteers, was attacked by a large body of Indians in the neighborhood of Fort St. Clair. The battle was sharp and severe, and the Indians were rather checked than defeated. General Wilkinson, who was in command of the fort, could render no assistance, from the strictness of his orders to act only on the defensive. He bestowed high praise on the good conduct of Major Adair, as the latter did upon his officers and men.

It was at about this period that a change was made in the Canadian government, which, from the character and dispositions of the new officers introduced upon the stage of action, may not have been without its influence in the progress of Indian affairs. During the visit of Lord Dorchester to England of 1791- '93, what had previously been the entire province of Canada was divided, and an upper province with a lieutenantcy created. Colonel J. G. Simcoe was the first Lieutenant Governor assigned to the newly organized territory-an able and active officer who, in the progress of events, though very friendly at first to the United States, was not long disposed to manifest any particular good-will for them, farther than courtesy to public officers and the discharge of indispensable duties required. He arrived at Quebec in the Spring of 1792, but was detained in the lower province several months, while waiting for other officers from England, whose presence and assistance were necessary to the organization of the new government. Colonel Simcoe established his head-quarters at Niagara, which was temporarily constituted the seat of government. He was the bearer of a letter of-introduction from the Duke of Northumberland to the Mohawk Chief, Thayendanegea. The Duke, who had served in the Revolutionary war as Lord Percy, had been adopted by the Mohawks as a warrior of their nation, under the Indian name, conferred by Brant himself, of Thorighwegeri, or The Evergreen Brake. The name involves the very pretty conceit that a titled house never dies. Like the leaves of this peculiar species of the brake, the old leaf only falls as it is pushed from the stem by the new; or rather, when the old leaf falls, the young is in fresh and full existence. The following is the letter, which the character of the parties and the circumstances of the case render worthy of preservation :-

THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND TO CAPTAIN BRANT
" Northumberland House, Sept. 3d, 1791
" MY DEAR JOSEPH,

" Colonel Simcoe, who is going out Governor of Upper Canada, is kind enough to promise to deliver this to you, with a brace of pistols, which I desire you will keep for my sake. I must particularly recommend the Colonel to yon and the nation. He is a most intimate friend of mine, and is possessed of every good quality which can recommend him to your friendship. He is brave, humane, sensible, and honest. You may safely rely upon whatever he says, for he will not deceive you. He loves and honors the Indians, whose noble sentiments so perfectly correspond with his own. He wishes to live upon the best terms with them, and, as Governor, will have it in his power to be of much service to them. In short, he is worthy to be a Mohawk. Love him at first for my sake, and you will soon come to love him for his own.

" I was very glad to hear that you had received the rifle safe which I sent you, and hope it has proved useful to you. I preserve with great care your picture, which is hung up in the Duchess's own room.

" Continue to me your friendship and esteem, and believe me ever to be, with the greatest truth,
" Your affectionate
'' Friend and Brother,
" NORTHUMBERLAND,
" Thorighwegeri.
" CAPTAIN JOSEPH BRANT,
" Thayendanegea"

Thus strongly and affectionately introduced, by the head of the British peerage to the head chief of a nation, a close intimacy was formed between Governor Simcoe and Captain Brant, as will more clearly be disclosed in the progress of these pages. The regular chain of history will now be resumed.

On the 19th of February, 1793, pursuant to the arrangement
made by the Indians at the Au Glaize in the preceding Autumn,
General Benjamin Lincoln, Beverley Randolph, and Colonel
Timothy Pickering, were commissioned by the President, to
attend the great council at the Miamis, to be held in the course
of the ensuing Spring.

Meantime the Indians of the confederate nations, dissatisfied with what they considered the evasive reply which had been received from the President to the address on their behalf, transmitted by the Six Nations, held another council at the Glaize in February, at which a very explicit address upon the subject was framed, and transmitted to the Six Nations. They were apprehensive that the Six Nations had either not understood them, or, that in communicating with the Executive of the United States they had not made themselves understood. Reminding the Six Nations that when in council they had understood them to be of one mind with themselves touching the boundary question. They now repeated that they would listen to no propositions from the United States, save upon the basis of the Ohio for a boundary and the removal of the American forts from the Indian territory. This was the irrevocable determination of the confederates, and they deemed it right and proper that the government of the United States should be fully apprised of the fact before the commissioners should set out upon their journey. They likewise advised the Six Nations, in this address, of their determination to hold a private council at the Miami Rapids before they would proceed to meet the American commissioners at Sandusky, that they might adjust their own opinions, so as to be of one mind, and speak one language in the public council. It was their farther determination, before they would consent to meet the Commissioners at all, to ascertain whether the Commissioners had been clothed with authority to meet them upon the terms thus preliminarily prescribed. This letter, or message, was concluded thus:-"

BROTHERS : We desire you therefore, to be strong, and rise immediately to meet us at the Miami Rapids, where we want the advice and assistance of our elder brethren in the great work which we are about. The western nations are all prepared and-in daily expectation of the arrival of our brothers, the Creeks, Cherokees, and other southern nations, who are on their legs to join us, agreeably to their promise. And we desire you will put the Seven Nations of Canada in mind of their promise last Fall, to be early on their legs to join us, and that you will bring them in your band." [Four double strings of black and white Wampum."] A postscript enjoined that the United States should send no messengers into their country, except through the Five Nations.*

The communication was dated February 27th. On the same day the Commissioners left Philadelphia for Buffalo Creek, accompanied, as the Indians had requested, by several members of the society of Friends-so strongly had the nations become attached to the disciples of the beneficent Penn.+ Colonel Pickering and Mr. Randolph proceeded directly across the country, while General Lincoln took the route via Albany, to superintend the forwarding of supplies. General Wayne, now in command of the North-western army, had been instructed in the meantime to issue a proclamation, informing the people of the frontiers of the proposed treaty, and prohibiting all offensive
* Original document from among the Brant papers.
+ The names of the Quaker gentlemen who went upon this benevolent errand were, John Parish, William Savory, and John Elliott, of Philadelphia; Jacob Lindlay, of Chester County; and Joseph Moore and William Hartshorn, of NewJersey. It may be noted as a singular fact, that while the Quakers solicited the appointment on this pacific mission at the hands of the President, the Indians, at about the same time, and evidently without consultation or arrangement, requested of some of the American agents, that some Quaker might be appointed on the Commission to treat with them.

movements on the part of these people until the result of the council should be known.

Messrs. Randolph and Pickering arrived at the Queenston landing, (Niagara river,) on the 17th of May. Governor Simcoe, who was at home, had no sooner heard of their arrival in his vicinity, than he sent invitations insisting that they should consider themselves his guests during their stay at that place. He treated them with great hospitality, and at their request readily despatched a vessel to Oswego, to receive General Lincoln and the stores for the expedition. The latter gentleman did not reach Niagara until the 25th.

On their arrival at that place, the Commissioners were informed that Captain Brant, with a body of Mohawks, had set off for the west about the 5th of May. There was a preliminary council to be held at the Miami Rapids, which it was the purpose of that Chief to attend. The United States had fixed the 1st of June for the time of meeting; but Colonel M'Kee had written " to Niagara; stating that that period would be quite too early, since the Indians were ever slow in such proceedings, and withal would not then probably have returned from their hunting. The Indians, however, were collecting at the Au Glaize, and Colonel M'Kee advised Governor Simcoe that the conference with the American Commissioners would probably be held at Sandusky. In the meantime it was proposed that the Commissioners should remain at Niagara until all things were ready for the conference.

Such being the position of affairs, the commissioners were detained with Governor Simcoe-occasionally visiting some of the Indian towns in that region-until near the middle of July. Every hospitable attention was bestowed upon them by the Governor, who spared no pains to render their sojourn with him agreeable. On the 4th of June, the King's birth-day was celebrated, on which occasion the Governor gave a fete, ending with a ball in the evening, which was attended by " about twenty well-dressed and handsome ladies, and about three times that number of gentlemen. They danced from 7 o'clock until 11 when supper was announced, and served-in very pretty taste. The music and dancing were good, and every thing was conducted with propriety. What excited the best feelings of the heart, was the ease and affection with which the ladies met each other, although there were a number present whose mothers sprang from the aborigines of the country. They appeared as well dressed as the company in general, and intermixed with them in a manner which evinced at once the dignity of their own minds and the good sense of others. These ladies possessed great ingenuity and industry, and have great merit, for the education they have received is owing principally to their own industry, as their father, Sir William Johnson, was dead, and the mother retained the manners and dress of her tribe."*

Thus far the deportment of Governor Simcoe was conciliatory, and in all respects indicative of any thing rather than a hostile spirit. Reports having reached the ears of the Commissioners, that the Governor had qualified the expressions of his desire that the Indians might determine upon a peace with the United States, by advising them that they should not relinquish any of their lands to obtain it, those gentlemen addressed him a note upon the subject. The imputation was promptly and satisfactorily disclaimed; and at the request of the Commissioners, several. British officers were detailed to accompany them to the council. Colonel Butler, the British Indian Superintendent of that station,+ had already departed with a large number of the Six Nations residing at the Buffalo Creek, to attend with Captain Brant the preliminary council at Miami.

Advices from Colonel M'Kee, at Detroit, having communicated the fact that all was ready on the part of the Indians, and urged them forthwith to repair to Sandusky and meet them, the Commissioners took their departure from Niagara on the 26th of June. Reports had been bruited about, however, that, should the council break up without making peace, it was the determination of the hostile Indians to fall upon the Commissioners and sacrifice them. In consequence of this intimation they were furnished with a letter from the Governor, expressed in the strongest terms, enjoining the officers in the Indian Department at the west to take care that they should be neither injured nor insulted by the savages; adding, " that an injury to them would greatly af-
* Private Journal of General Lincoln-Massachusetts Historical Collections. This incident has been preserved in the text by the author, as a curiosity; it being the first gala of a representative of royalty in the western woods.
+ The British commander at Wyoming.

fect him, the Commander-in-chief, the British nation, and even the King himself."*

The Commissioners were detained by contrary winds at Fort Erie, at which point they were to embark, until the 5th of July. Here another serious interruption to their progress took place. The extreme jealousy of the Indians naturally prompted them to magnify every thing bearing a hostile appearance ; and they had been watching with much suspicion, during the whole season, the movements of General Wayne, who was then occcupying the country about Fort Washington. It was understood that he was not to advance beyond that position pending the negotiations. But the Indians were nevertheless suspicious lest he should avail himself of the absence of their chiefs and warriors at the council, and fall upon their towns. Governor Simcoe had called the attention of the Commissioners to this subject, and they; in turn, had urged the consideration, through the Secretary of War, upon General Wayne. But, notwithstanding every precaution that could be adopted, the Indians at the preliminary council became alarmed; and, greatly to the surprise of the Commissioners, while waiting to embark at Fort Erie, on the 5th of July a vessel arrived from Miami, having on board Captain Brant, Colonel Butler, and a deputation of about fifty Indians from the north-western tribes, attending the council, with instructions to have a conference with the American Commissioners in the presence of Governor Simcoe. The object of their visit was twofold ; first, they were desirous of being enabled " to possess their minds in peace " in regard to the movements of General Wayne with the army ; secondly, they were desirous of obtaining information whether the Commissioners were empowered to establish a new boundary line, or rather to stipulate that the American settlers should fall back upon the Ohio-since the great majority of the Indians had uniformly disclaimed the boundary specified in the treaty of Fort Harmar. An immediate interview between the deputation and the Commissioners was arranged, at the request of the former, at which a Shawanese chief, called Cat's-Eyes, addressed them as follows:-

" BROTHERS : We are sent by the nations of Indians assembled at the Rapids of Miami, to meet the Commissioners of the
* General Lincoln's Journal.

United States. "We are glad to see you here. It is the will of the great chiefs of those nations that our Father, the Governor of this province, should be present, and hear what we have to say to you, and what you have to say to us.

" BROTHERS : Do not make yourselves uneasy that we did not meet you at the time you proposed, at Sandusky. The reasons thereof will be mentioned at another time."
Four string's of black and white wampum.

To which the Commissioners replied :-

" BROTHERS : The Commissioners are glad to see you. We will confer with you in presence of your Father, the Governor of this province, at any time and place which shall be convenient to you and him." Returned the four strings.

The parties then separated ; but the Indian deputation, after a brief consultation, requested another interview, and proposed that the meeting with Governor Simcoe should be at his own house at Niagara. To this arrangement the Commissioners assented, and agreed to return thither on the following day Accordingly, on the 7th of July, a conference was held at the council-house at Niagara. The Governor and the Indians having arrived at the council-chamber a few minutes in advance of the Commissioners, Captain Brant addressed the former thus:-

" BROTHER : It being agreed at the Rapids that we should come and meet the Commissioners in our Father's presence, we return our thanks to the Great Spirit for seeing your Excellency well this day. Our intention and business is peaceable, and our inclination is to do what is right and just. We are all of one mind, and wished your Excellency to be present."

A belt of wampum

His Excellency replied:-

" BROTHERS : I am happy to see you so well. The Commissioners have expressed a wish to meet you in my presence, and I shall be happy to hear what they have to say."

Belt returned.

The Commissioners having arrived, We conference commenced, in the presence not only of the Governor, but also ofa large number of the civil and military officers of that station.The proceedings were opened on the part of the Westerndeputation by Captain Brant, who rose with a belt and string ofwampum, and said :-

" BROTHERS : We have met to-day our brothers, the Bostonians and English. We are glad to have the meeting, and thinkit by the appointment of the Great Spirit.

" BROTHERS OP THE UNITED STATES : We told you the other day, at Fort Erie, that at another time we would inform you why we had not assembled at the time and place appointed for holding the treaty with you. Now we inform you, that it is because there is so much the appearance of war "in that quarter.

"BROTHERS : We have given the reason for our not meeting you, and now request an explanation of these warlike appearances.

" BROTHERS : The people you see here are sent to represent the Indian nations who own the lands north of the Ohio as their common property, and who are all of one mind-one heart.

" BROTHERS : We have come to speak to you for two reasons: one, because your warriors, being in our neighborhood, have prevented our meeting at the appointed place: the other, to know if you are properly authorized to run and establish a new boundary line between the lands of the United States and the lands of the Indian nations. We are still desirous of meeting you at the appointed place.

" BROTHERS : We wish you to deliberate well on this business. We have spoken our sentiments in sincerity-considering ourselves in the presence of the Great Spirit, from whom, in times of danger, we expect assistance." [ With this speech a belt of twelve rows, and thirty string's of wampum, in five bunches, were presented.]

The Commissioners answered:-

" BROTHERS : We have attended to what you have said. We will take it into our serious consideration, and give you an answer to-morrow. We will inform you when we are ready."

Captain Brant rejoined:-

" BROTHERS : We thank you for what you have said. You say that you will answer our speech to-morrow. We now cover up the council-fire."

On the next day the Commissioners replied at length, in the Indian form of speech. In regard to the warlike indications of which the deputation complained; the Commissioners assured them that they might " possess their minds in peace;" and stated to them the orders that had been transmitted to General Wayne, and the other precautionary measures adopted by the Great Chief, General Washington, to prevent any act of hostility during the negotiations. On the subject of the second query of the Indians, the Commissioners replied explicitly, that they had authority to run and establish a new boundary. This question, they were aware, was to be the great subject of discussion at the council, and they hoped that the result would be satisfactory to both parties. But, in saying this, they reminded the Indians, that in almost all disputes and quarrels there was wrong upon both sides, and consequently that in the approaching council both parties must be prepared to make some concessions. The Commissioners requested information as to the names of the nations, and the number of the chiefs assembled at the Rapids of the Miami; and in conclusion re-assured the chiefs of the groundlessness of their apprehensions respecting the movements of General Wayne, and explained to them that they might place themselves perfectly at rest upon this point; promising; moreover, immediately to send a messenger on horseback " to the Great Chief of the United States, to desire him to renew and strongly repeat his orders to his head-warrior, not only to abstain from all hostilities against the Indians, but to remain quiet at his posts until the event of the treaty should be known." Having returned the Belt, Cat's-Eyes, the Shawanese leader, replied:-

" BROTHERS, THE BOSTONIANS, ATTEND ! We have heard your words. Our fathers, the English people, have also heard them. We thank God that you have been preserved in peace, and that we bring our pipes together. The people of all the different nations here salute you. They rejoice to hear your words. It gives us great satisfaction that our fathers, the English, have also heard them. We shall for the present take up our pipes and retire to our encampments, where we shall deliberately consider your speech, and return you an answer tomorrow."

The conference was re-opened on the 9th, when Captain Brant arose, with the belt and strings in his hands which had
Vol. II

been presented by the Commissioners on the preceding day, and addressing himself to the English and Americans, said:-

" BROTHERS : "We are glad the Great Spirit has preserved us in peace to meet together this day.

" BROTHERS OF THE UNITED STATES : Yesterday you made an answer to the message delivered by us, from the great council at the Miami, in the two particulars we had stated to you.

" BROTHERS : You may depend on it that we fully understand your speech. We shall take with us your belt and strings, and repeat it to the chiefs at the great council at Miami."

[Laying down the belt and -strings, the Captain took up a white belt, and proceeded :]

" BROTHERS : We have something farther to say, though not much. We are small; compared with our great chiefs at Miami: but, though small, we have something to say. We think, brothers, from your speech, that there, is a prospect of our coming together. We, who are the nations at the westward, are of one mind : and if we agree with you, as there is a prospect that we shall, it will be binding and lasting.

" BROTHERS : Our prospects are the fairer, because all our minds are one. You have not spoken to us before unitedly. Formerly, because you did not speak to us unitedly, what was done was not binding. Now you have an opportunity to speak to us together; and we now take you by the hand to lead you to the place appointed for the meeting.

" BROTHERS : One thing more we have to say. Yesterday you expressed a wish to be informed of the names of the nations and number of chiefs assembled at the Miami. But as they were daily coming in, we cannot give you exact information. You will see for yourselves in a few days. When we left it, the following nations were there, viz: Five Nations, "Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares, Munsees, Miamies, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Mingoes, Cherokees, Nantikokes. The principal men of all these nations were there."

A white belt of seven rows.

The Commissioners then replied :-

" BROTHERS : Our ears have been open to your speech. It is agreeable to us. We are ready to proceed with you to Sandusky, where, under the direction of the Great Spirit, we hope that we shall soon establish a peace on terms equally interesting and agreeable to all parties."

While these deliberations were in progress, a deputation from the Seven Nations of Canada arrived at Niagara, to the number of two hundred and eighty. The proceedings were terminated with a confident expectation on all hands that the result of the mission would be a pacific arrangement. With the public dispatches transmitted to the Secretary of War from this place, however, General Lincoln addressed a private letter to that officer, advising him that if the reports in circulation were in any degree true, General Wayne must have violated the clearest principles of a truce, and expressing great solicitude for the result-less, however, on account of the personal safety of the Commissioners, whose lives would be thereby jeoparded, than for the apprehensions felt for the honor of the country. Captain Brant had given information as to the movements of Wayne, of the certainty of which there could be but little doubt: and those movements caused the Commissioners as much uneasiness as they did the Indians; being moreover viewed by the British officers at Niagara as unfair and unwarrantable.

Captain Brant and the Indian deputation proceeded on their return to Miami, in advance of the Commissioners, the latter embarking from Fort Erie on the 14th. On the 21st they arrived at the mouth of the Detroit river, where they were obliged to land-the British authorities at Detroit forbidding their approach farther toward the place of meeting. They were, however; hospitably entertained at the landing-place by Captain Elliot, Colonel M'Kee's assistant in the Indian Department. The latter officer was in attendance upon the council at the Rapids, to whom the Commissioners lost no time in addressing a note, apprising him of their arrival, and of their design to remain there until the Indians should be ready to remove the council to Sandnsky. They also requested the good offices of Colonel M' Kee in expediting the proceedings of the Indians. This dispatch was borne by Captain Elliot himself, who returned on the 29th, bringing an answer from the Colonel, and attended by a deputation of upward of twenty Indians from the different nations in council. An audience of these Indians was had on the day following, at which a Wyandot Chief, whose name in English was Carry-one-about, opened their business with the following unexpected address:-

" BROTHERS, LISTEN ! We are glad to see you here in peace, and thank the Great Spirit that has preserved us to meet again.

" BROTHERS : We were sent to speak with you some time ago at Niagara. Some chiefs are now here who were then present.

" BROTHERS : We did not explain ourselves to each other, and we did not rightly understand each other.

" BROTHERS : We desire that we may rightly understand each other. We have thought it best that what we had to say should be put into writing, and here is the meaning of our hearts. Saying which, the Wyandot chief put a paper into the hands of the Commissioners, which read as follows :-

" TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED STATES.

" BROTHERS : The Deputies we sent you did not fully explain our meaning. We have therefore sent others to meet you once more, that you may fully understand the great question we have to ask you, and to which we expect an explicit answer in writing.

" BROTHERS : You are sent here by the United States in order to make peace with us, the Confederate Indians.

" BROTHERS : You know very well that the boundary-line, which was run by the white people and us, at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, was the river Ohio.

"BROTHERS: If you seriously design to make a firm and lasting peace, you will immediately remove all your people from our side of that river.

" BROTHERS : We therefore ask you, Are you fully authorised by the United States to continue and fix firmly on the Ohio river as the boundary-line between your people and ours ?

" Done in General Council, at the foot of the Miami Rapids, 27th July, 1793. In behalf of ourselves and the whole Confederacy, and agreed to in full council."

This missive was signed by the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese; Miamis, Mingoes, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Connoys, Chippewas, and Munsees; but not by the Six Nations. The Commissioners replied to them at great length in the afternoon. They began, after the Indian custom, by repeating their speech and then gave a succinct statement of the conferences at Niagara, and the perfect understanding then had, that some concessions would be necessary on both sides, and of which they were to speak face to face. They had already been detained sixty days beyond the time appointed for the meeting, and were desirous of proceeding to business in council without farther delay. The Commissioners next recited briefly the history of all the treaties that had been formed with the north-western Indians, from the treaty of Fort Stanwix, held before the Revolution, to that which was commenced at the falls of the Muskingum, by General St. Clair, and completed at Fort Harmar. At this treaty the Six Nations renewed their treaty of Fort Stanwix, of 1784, and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort M'lntosh. There were also parties to this treaty from the Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies and Sacs. Under these treaties the United States had acquired the territory, now claimed by the Indians, north of the Ohio and on the faith of these, settlements had been formed, that could not now be removed; and hence the Commissioners replied explicitly to the first question, that the Ohio could not be designated as the boundary. After attempting to explain the impossibility of uprooting the settlements beyond the Ohio, and the great expenses incurred by the people in forming them, they spoke again of the promised " mutual concessions," and proposed, as the basis of negotiation, that the Indians should relinquish all the lands ceded by the treaty of Fort Harmar, and also a small tract of land at the Rapids of the Ohio, claimed by General Clark; in return for which they proposed to give the Indians " such a large sum in money or goods as was never " given at one time for any quantity, of Indian lands since the " white people set their foot on this inland." They likewise proposed a large annuity in addition to the amount to be paid in hand. Originally, under the treaty of peace with England, the American Commissioners had claimed the right to the soil of all the lands south of the great lakes ; but this claim, the Commissioners said they thought, was wrong; and as a farther concession, if the lands already specified were relinquished by the Indians, the United States would relinquish all but the right of pre-emption to the vast tracts that remained. In conclusion, the Commissioners said :-

" BROTHERS : We have now opened our hearts to you. We are happy in having an opportunity of doing it, though we should have been more happy to have done it in full council of your nations. We expect soon to have this satisfaction, and that your next deputation will take us by the hand, and lead us to the treaty. When we meet and converse with each other feeely, we may more easily remove any difficulties which may come in the way."

A white belt with thirteen stripes of black wampum.

The speech having been interpreted fully to the deputation, the council was adjourned until the next day, when, having reassembled, the Wyandot chief rose, and replied as follows:-

" BROTHERS : We are all brothers you see here now. Brothers, it is now three years since you have desired to speak with us. We heard you yesterday, and understand well, perfectly well. We have a few words to say to you.

" BROTHERS : You mentioned the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver Creole, and other place's. Those treaties were not complete. There were but few chiefs who treated with you. You have not bought our lands; they belong to us. You tried to draw off some of us.

" BROTHERS : Many years ago we all know that the Ohio was made the boundary ; it was settled by Sir William Johnson. This side is ours; we look upon it as our property.

" BROTHERS : You mention General Washington. He and you know you have houses and people on our lands. You say you cannot move them off; and we cannot give up our lands.

" BROTHERS : We are sorry that we cannot come to an agreement. The line has been fixed long ago.

BROTHERS : We do not say much. There has been much mischief on both sides. We came here upon peace, and thought you did the same. We wish you to remain here for an answer from us. We have your speech in our breasts, and shall consult our head warriors."

From the 1st to the l4th of August the Commissioners were detained at the place of their first landing, in the daily expectation of receiving an invitation to join the council at the Rapids, They had information from thence several times, and on the 8th were informed that all the nations were disposed for peace, excepting the Shawanese, Wyandots, Miamies, and Delawares. The Six Nations, and the Seven Nations of Canada, exerted themselves strongly to bring about a pacification. It was understood, however, that the debates had been long and animated. Captain Brant and the Corn-planter were unwearied in their efforts to accomplish this desirable object, and both spoke much in council. The discussions being thus protracted, the former availed himself of the time to endeavor to enlist the direct interposition of Governor Simcoe to bring the Indians into a more pacific temper. For that purpose the Captain dispatched messengers to York, at which place* the Upper Canadian Government was about being established, with letters to the Governor, informing him of the intractable disposition of the Indians, and soliciting his influence to induce them to compromise the boundary question. Governor Simcoe wrote back on the 8th of August, declining any interference. His Excellency declared in this letter, that, as his correspondent (Brant) well knew, he had always, both in private conversation and in public messages, endeavored to impress a disposition and temper upon the Indians, that might lead to the blessing of peace. Still; he thought the Indians were the best judges as to the terms upon which a treaty of peace should be negotiated; and at their request he had directed the Indian Agents to attend their councils, and explain to them any circumstances which they might not clearly understand. There was another cir cumstance which Governor Simcoe thought would render it improper for him to interfere, which will be best understood by quoting his own words from the letter :-" Since the Government of the United States have shown a disinclination to concur with the Indian nations in requesting of his Majesty permission for me to attend at Sandusky as mediator, it would be highly improper and unseasonable in me to give any opinion relative to the proposed boundaries, with which I am not sufficiently acquainted, and which question I have studiously " avoided entering into, as I am well aware of the jealousies entertained by some of the subjects of the United States, of the interference of the British Government, which has a natural and decided interest in the welfare of the Indian nations, and in the establishment of peace and permanent tranquility. In this situation I am sure you will excuse me from giving to you any advice, which, from my absence from the spot, cannot
* Now Toronto, the capital of Upper Canada.

possibly arise from that perfect view and knowledge which so important a subject necessarily demands."*

This letter contains the only authority extant for the fact that Governor Simcoe himself had been proposed as the mediator, and rejected, and he may have been piqued thereat. Still, although he cautiously abstained from the remotest interference, there was nothing in this communication calculated to defeat a pacific determination of the council. The Commissioners were yet anxiously awaiting the result at the mouth of the Detroit River. On the 11th of August they were informed that the debates were still running high in council; that the chiefs of the Six Nations had spoken twice, and were about to speak a third time. Indeed, so desirous were they now of effecting a pacific arrangement, that Thayendanegea was determined to transcend the ordinary rules of an Indian council; and speak a fourth time, should it become necessary .+ It was added, that nearly half the four tribes, who were persisting for war, had been won over ; and hence, when the messengers left the council, they even anticipated that runners with pacific news would overtake them. Having waited, however, until the 14th, and receiving no farther news, the Commissioners proposed to repair to the council in person-but were prevented by the British authorities, who would not suffer them to move in that direction, unless by special invitation from the council. Impatient of longer delay, their next measure was to send a speech to the council, with a request to Captain Brant to bring it before them, urging upon them the necessity of a speedy determination of the question of peace or war, one-way or the other. The conclusion of this address was thus :-

"BROTHERS: We have waited fourteen days, and no answer has arrived.

" BROTHERS : It is time to bring the business to a conclusion.
*From the original letter among the Brant papers.
+ What a pity that at such an Indian Congress, where the great warriors and orators of so many nations were assembled to discuss subjects at once the most exciting and of the deepest moment to them, a bench of stenographers could not have been present! What bursts of thrilling eloquence-the unsophisticated language of nature-gathering all its metaphors fresh and glowing from her own rich storehouse-the flowers, the forests, and the floods-the sun, the stars, and the blue sky-the winds, the earthquake, and the storm-must there have been poured forth but to die away upon the ears that heard them!

The summer has almost passed away, and we do not yet even know whether we are to have a treaty.

" BROTHERS : You know that we came to treat with you of peace. We again tell you, that we earnestly desire to make peace; and in the terms of peace we are disposed to do you ample justice. But if no treaty is to be held, if peace is not to be obtained, we desire immediately to know it, that we may go home." But all the anticipations of a pacific adjustment of the difficulties proved fallacious. Two days after this address had been dispatched to the care of Captain Brant and the Corn-planter, the Commissioners received a long address from the council, in writing, in answer to their own speech of July 31st, which put an end to the negotiation. It was addressed,

" TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED STATES.

" BROTHERS : We have received your speech of the 31st of last month, and it has been interpreted to all the different nations. We have been long in sending you an answer, because of the great importance of the subject. But we now answer it fully, having given it all the consideration in our power."

In their address the council entered upon an extended review of the negotiations heretofore referred to, and the circumstances under which the treaties of Fort M'lntosh and Fort Harmar were made. They contended that these treaties had not been properly obtained, and were not binding upon the Indians, inasmuch as but few of their chiefs and warriors had been present at the councils, and those few were not empowered to cede away any of their lands. Of this fact they said they had apprised General St. Clair before the treaties were made, and admonished him not to proceed. But he persisted in holding councils in which their nations were not consulted, and in receiving cessions of an immense country, in which the few who, under constraint, had signed the treaty, were no more interested than as a mere branch of the General Confederacy, and had no authority to make any grant whatever. In reply to the remarks of the Commissioners respecting the impracticability of breaking up the settlements on the disputed territory, and their offers of large sums of money for a confirmation of the grant under the treaty of Fort Harmar, the speech of the Council was ingenious and forcible. Indeed, the residue of this document is worth transcribing entire;-

" BROTHERS : Money to us is of no value, and to most of us unknown ; and as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell our lands, on which we get sustenance for our women and children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode by which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace thereby obtained.

" BROTHERS : We know that these settlers are poor, or they never would have ventured to live in a country which has been in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum of money which you have offered to us among these people; give to each also a proportion of what you say you would give us annually, over and above this large sum of money; and we are persuaded they would most readily accept of it in lieu of the lands you sold to them. If you add, also, the great sums you must expend in raising and paying armies with a view to force us to yield you our country, you will certainly have more than sufficient for the purposes of repaying these settlers for all their labor and improvements.

" BROTHERS : You have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange that you expect any from us, who have only been defending our just rights against your invasions. We want peace. Restore to us our country, and we shall be enemies no longer.

" BROTHERS: You make one concession to us by offering to us your money, and another by having agreed to do us justice, after having long and injuriously withheld it; we mean, in the acknowledgment you have now made that the King of England never did, nor ever had a right to give you our country by the treaty of peace. And you want to make this act of common justice a great part of your concession, and seem to expect, that because you have at last acknowledged our independence, we should for such a favor surrender to you our country.

" BROTHERS : You have also talked a great deal about preemption, and your exclusive right to purchase the Indian lands, as ceded to you by the King at the treaty of peace.

" BROTHERS : We never made any agreement with the King, nor with any other nation, that we would give to either the exclusive right to purchase our lands; and we declare to you, that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or cession of lands whenever and to whomsoever we please. If the white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them but the King should purchase of us, and he has given that right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us. We have never parted with such a power.

" BROTHERS : At our general council held at the Glaize last Fall, we agreed to meet Commissioners from the United State's, fu the purpose of restoring peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and confirm our boundary line to be the Ohio ; and we determined not to meet you until yon gave us satisfaction on that point. That is the reason we have never met.

" BROTHERS : We desire you to consider that our only demand is the peaceable possession of a small part of our once great country. Look back and view the lands from whence we have been driven to this spot. We can retreat no farther, because the country behind hardly affords food for its present inhabitants ; and we have therefore resolved to leave our bones in this small space, to which we are now consigned.

" BROTHERS : We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary line between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether unnecessary. This is the great point, which we hoped would have been explained before you left your houses ; as our message last Autumn was principally directed to obtain that information.

" Done in General Council at the foot of the Miami Rapids on the 13th day of August, 1793."

This address was signed by the Wyandots, the Seven Nations of Canada, the Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippeways, Senecas (of the Glaize), Pottawattamies, Connoys, Munsees, Nantikokes, Mohegans, Missisaguas, Creeks, and Cherokees-the name of each nation being written, and its emblem or escutcheon rudely pictured opposite the name.* The
* Thus, according to the original communication in the author's possession:-
Wyandots, A Bear.
Senecas of the Glaize, A Turtle.
Seven Nations of Canada, A Turtle.
Pottawattamies, A Fish.
Delawares, A Turtle.
Connoys, A Turkey.
Shawanese. Munsees.
Miamis, A Turtle.
Nantikokes, A Turtle.
Ottawas, A Fish.
Chippeways, A Crane.
Mohegans, A Turtle. A Turkey.

Six Nations did not sign it. Indeed, it is 'Believed that Captain Brant and the Six Nations " held fast together" in their efforts to make peace, to the last; and that the character of the final answer of the council was not communicated to them previous to its being sent off. On the contrary, they were told that it was a proposition to meet the Commissioners on the Miami instead of Sandusky, about five miles below their then place of sitting and so well assured were they of the fact, that they proposed removing thither the day after the runners were dispatched from the council-fire.

Nothing could be more explicit than this ultimatum of the Indians. Their sine qua non was the Ohio for the boundary. To this proposition the Commissioners could never assent, and they accordingly wrote to the chiefs and warriors of the council at the Rapids, that "the negotiation was at an end." So imperfect are the records of Indian history, preserved, as they are, for the most part, only in the tablets of the brain, the memory being aided by belts and other emblems-that it is a difficult matter to determine the precise merits of the controversy sought to be terminated at this council. Being the weaker party, belonging to a doomed race, the law of the strongest was of course left to decide it in the end, and the Indians were driven beyond the Mississippi. But an impartial survey of the case, at the distance of only forty years, presents strong reasons for believing that the Indians were the party aggrieved. Certainly, it would form an exception in the history of their dealings with the white man, if they were not; while it is very evident that they themselves solemnly believed they were the injured party. And, thus believing, nothing could have been more patriotic than the attitude assumed in their address, or more noble than the declarations and sentiments it contained.

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