Three Rivers
Hudson~Mohawk~Schoharie
History From America's Most Famous Valleys
Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea

Including the Indian Wars of the American Revolution

by William L. Stone. Volume II

Buffalo: Phinney & Co., 1851.

Chapter XIV.

Exertions of Thayendanegea for the moral and social improvement of his people- His religious views-Efforts for the religious instruction of his people-Letter to Sir John Johnson upon the subject of obtaining a resident clergyman-Farther correspondence-Interview of Brant with the Bishop-Disappointment-Letter to the Chief Justice-Appeal of Brant to the Lord Bishop, but without success-Application to the American church-Letter to Colonel Burr-Succeeds in obtain-ing the ordination of Mr. Phelps-Estimate of Brant's character by the clergy- Letter of Rev. Dr. Mason-Rev. Elkanah Holmes-Letter of Brant to the Rev. Dr. Miller-Ardent spirits-Efforts of Brant to prevent their introduction-Letter to Sir John Johnson-Interposition of the women-Address of Brant in reply- Indian games and pastimes-National game of Cricket-Great game at Grand River, between the Senecas and Mohawks-Judge Woodruffs-visit to Brant's residence-Description of his person-Indian funerals-Respect for the dead- Estimate of women-Their influence-funeral speech of Seneca-George--Death of Mrs. Claus-Speech of condolence by Captain Brant-Captain Claus in reply -Brant's visit to New-York, Philadelphia, and Bartford, in 1797-Attentions to him in Philadelphia-Dinner party of Colonel Burr-Talleyrand and other distinguished guests-Letter of introduction from Colonel Burr to his daughter-Dinner party in his honor by Miss Theodosia-His manners described by Dr. Miller and by General Porter-Designs upon his life in the Mohawk country-The late John Wells-Striking incident in Albany-Anecdotes-Brant and General Gansevoort-Brant and Colonel Van Courtlandt- Reasons of Brant for taking up arms for the King-His reasonings in defence of the Indian mode of warfare.

HAD no other subjects demanded the consideration, and required the active personal exertions, of Captain Brant, during the last twelve years of his career, than those already reviewed, his life must still have been considered one of uncommon industry. But the cares upon his hands were multitudinous in other respects. His desire for the moral and social improvement of his people led him to a vigilant oversight of all their domestic concerns. Rude as was their government, it was still to be administered, and a domestic police, of some kind, was to be observed. The administration of their government, moreover, was probably attended by none the less difficulty from the peculiar position in which the Mohawk Indians were placed at that particular period of their history. Their society was in a transition state-being neither the hunter nor the agricultural, but partaking in part of both; while, notwithstanding the advice of the Duke of Northumberland, it was the strong desire of the Chief to draw them from the former to the latter course of life. Before their transplantation from their native valley, they had, many of them, made considerable advances in the pursuit of husbandry, Brant himself having cultivated an excellent farm in the neighborhood of General Herkimer's residence, near the Upper Mohawk Castle;* and though the vicissitudes of war had cast them once more into a primitive forest, entirely unsubdued, the Chief had no idea of relinquishing the certainty of agricultural competence for the precarious supplies of the chase.

Nor was he ignorant of what alone can form the basis of an industrious and truly moral community. Whether he was himself a man of experimental religion, in the evangelical sense of the term, is a question which it is not the province of the historian to decide. There is no doubt that he was a believer in the great and essential truths of revelation, and it is equally certain that after his return from Dr. Wheelock's school, he was the subject of deep religious, impressions. But whether these impressions were entirely- effaced during the long- years of arduous and active public service in which he was subsequently engaged, both as a warrior and a politician-in the battle-field, in the council of war, and in the Indian Congress-threading the solitudes of his native forests, or amidst the splendid gaieties of the British metropolis-is not for the writer to affirm or deny. Be this, however, as it may, he was a man of too much sagacity not to perceive the importance of education and religion, as auxiliaries in carrying forward the moral and social improvement of his nation ; and the preponderance of testimony favors the opinion that he was never careless of the spiritual interests of his charge. It has been seen, that when quite a young man, he was engaged with the Episcopal and other Christian missionaries, assisting in translating the Church Prayer Book and the Holy Scriptures. And immediately after the close of the long conflict in which he had borne so active a part, he was again found recurring, of his own volition, to the same labors, and superintending the printing of the Gospel of Mark, and other religious works, in London. One of his first stipulations with the Commander-in-chief, on the acquisition of his new territory, was for the building of a church, a school-house, and a flouring mill; and no sooner had the North-western Indian wars been brought to an end, than the religious principle was again in action, and his thoughts and exertions once more directed to the
* The author visited the plantation formerly belonging to Brant in the Autumn of 1836. Nothing of his domicil, save the cellar, remained. His orchard of apple trees, however, was thrifty and in full bearing.

means of imparting to his people a knowledge of their relation to God, and the consequences flowing therefrom. In proof of this assertion, the following letter may be appropriately introduced:-

CAPTAIN BRANT TO SIR JOHN JOHNSON, BAR'T.
" Grand River, Dec. 15, 1797.
" DEAR SIR,

" Since writing the letter accompanying this, the Chiefs have conferred together respecting the state of religion among the Five Nations; which now appears to be a subject of more serious consideration among them than formerly. We are sensible, Sir, of the goodness of Government, among other benefits, in accommodating us with a church, and we have long been desirous of having a clergyman to reside constantly with us; this, we apprehend, would be highly promotive of morality and the Christian virtues among our people. We do not complain, Sir, of the neglect of the society in this respect, as we are satisfied that their benevolent attention to mankind has been equal to their means; for this reason we have hitherto omitted making application to them upon this head. Besides, we are sensible how difficult it must be for them to find a suitable character willing to settle among us in this rude and distant quarter.

In order to discharge my duty in this important affair, and that I may rest in peace, I have conferred with a gentleman of a liberal education, Mr. Davenport Phelps, with whose character and family I have long been acquainted, who has ample testimonials respecting his literary and moral qualifications, and who, I believe, will consent to devote his life to the service of the Church among us, provided his Lordship, the Bishop of Quebec, shall think proper to ordain him to the sacred office. Mr. Phelps with great candor observes, that from his not having been so conversant with books for a number of years past as he could have wished, particularly classical ones, he is diffident of a critical examination in the dead languages. But, Sir, from his general, I may say almost universal, character among the discerning, I consider the prospect of his usefulness among us very great; and assure you that it is the desire of the. Chiefs in general, and my most ardent wish, that he may be ordained a missionary for the Five Nations on this river. And from your official relation to us, I take the liberty of begging you to communicate our wishes to his Lordship the Bishop respecting this gentleman, that we may be informed, if possible, before the opening of the Spring, whether a character of Mr. Phelps's description will be approved by his Lordship, and deemed a proper subject for ordination.

" I am, dear sir,
" Your most obedient
" And humble serv't,
" Jos. BRANT.
" Sir John Johnson, Bar't."

"P. S. I know you will excuse my observing that we shall be glad to know what sum the society, and what government will severally think proper to allow our missionary; since, should their allowances be insufficient for his support, by other means it must be made adequate."

The Baronet lost no time in bringing the subject before the Bishop, but difficulties were interposed by his Lordship, and an occasional correspondence of two or three years ensued, before tile wishes of the Indians, for the ordination of a spiritual teacher, were complied with. The first objection was that the candidate for orders had not been examined. In reply, Captain Brant apologized for their ignorance as to the pre-requisites, and urged that an examination might be undergone before the Rev. Mr. Addison, " who, having gone through the forms himself, must be acquainted with the business." Both the Chief and his people were impatient of delay; and the Captain reminded the Bishop, through Sir John, of the pledge which the Archbishop of Canterbury had made to him in the presence of the King, that whenever the Indians, by the erection of a church, should be ready for religious instruction, he would do all in his power to supply their wants.

In the Spring of 1798, the Chief had an earnest correspondence with Mr. Russell; the provincial Governor, upon the subject, in the course of which, in one of his letters, he said :- " With respect to any uncertainty or difficulty there may be in obtaining a salary from government, we would wish that that should not entirely restrain his Lordship; for, should government not be willing to grant an allowance for a clergyman, sooner than want one we would strain every point ourselves to procure a salary, and would be joined by several respectable families of white people in the neighborhood."

In the Summer of the following year, on his return from a visit to the lower province, the Captain met with the Lord Bishop at Kingston, and again urged his attention to the subject; and, as he supposed, arranged matters for an examination of Mr. Phelps at Niagara, to which place his Lordship was preparing to extend his visit. But there was again disappointment, arising from a cause altogether unexpected. The following spirited letter will disclose the motive of the delay:

CAPTAIN BRANT TO THE CHIEF JUSTICE.
" Grand River,

"SIR,
" I feel myself under the necessity of representing to your Honor, that from the consideration of the great importance of having a missionary resident among the Indians, and that from the knowledge I have long had of Mr. Davenport Phelps, and my particular acquaintance with his family and connexions, I have been earnestly desirous that he might be ordained to that office. To this end, the Winter before last I wrote the Honorable Sir John Johnson, who communicated my wishes, and those of the other chiefs, in this respect, to his Lordship the Bishop of Quebec. No determinate answer was given, and in consequence the subject thus remained till the Summer past, when, on my return from Lower Canada, at Kingston, in a conversation with his Lordship, he was pleased to express the utmost readiness to do what was incumbent on him to carry what was desired into effect-manifesting a cheerful willingness to examine Mr. Phelps, in order to his ordination.

" Thus circumstanced, I requested Mr. Phelps to accompany me to Newark,+ to offer himself for examination ; but to my great disappointment found, that previous to our arrival his Lordship had sailed for Quebec. I was, Sir, however, surprised to learn, that he had left information pointedly against the ex-
* The date is wanting in the copy. It must have been, however, toward the close of 1799.
+ Formerly, a town on the Niagara-now called Niagara.

pected examination ; which, though then to me mysterious, I more fully understand since the arrival of his Excellency Governor Hunter, at that place, who has told me that he had been informed that Mr. Phelps had been at the head of a mob in the province. This charge, replete with odium, I have good evidence to believe was originally made by Mr. White, Attorney General, and as long ago as 1795. I must acknowledge, Sir, that it is unaccountable in my mind how a charge of this nature, made by one whose duty it is to prosecute seditious practices, should remain unnoticed until so late a period; and then be suggested, as I have too much reason to believe, to defeat a purpose earnestly desired by many friends to the cause of religion and morality.

" I cannot, in Justice to truth, omit to observe that the proposal of Mr. Phelps's being ordained to the church did not originate with him, (nor has it since been solicited by him,) but by myself and others of respectability, who have long known his virtues and abilities; who have an indubitable claim to the honor of having defended this country against the King's enemies ; and whose loyalty and discernment cannot with decency be disputed. If, however, a charge of this nature be proved, I shall remain silent. If not, I humbly conceive justice and humanity require that due reparation be made.

" Your Honor's love of justice makes me confident of your best advice, and wise interference in this affair.

" I cannot but farther observe, that, considering the nature and circumstances of this affair, I have a right to expect that Mr. "White, or whoever else has made this charge, be called on to prove it without delay. I shall be much obliged by your answer to this by the bearer. I have the honor to be, &c." It is manifest from this letter, that the government were entertaining political objections to the candidate. The conduct of the attorney-General, however, would not stand the scrutiny to which the Mohawk was disposed to subject it. Nothing could be more apparent than that the charge was either frivolous, or adduced as a pretext, or that the Attorney General had been remiss in the performance of his own official duty. The Indians still adhered to Mr. Phelps; and such was the strength of their attachment to him, that Captain Brant subsequently prepared a formal memorial to the Lord Bishop, setting forth his excellent qualities-his talents, his virtues, and his loyalty and urging his ordination, " as their choice had been, and still " was, fixed on him, in preference to any other."* But every effort to obtain the ordination of Mr. Phelps from the English prelate was fruitless, and the attention of Captain Brant was thereupon directed to the Episcopal Church of the United States, through the interposition of General Chapin, the American Indian Agent residing at Canandaigua, and Colonel Aaron Burr. Mr. Phelps, the candidate for orders, visited the city of New York, and was the bearer of the following letter to Colonel Burr upon the subject:-

CAPTAIN BRANT TO COLONEL BURR.
" Grand River, May 7, 1800.
"SIR,

" About three weeks since, I received a message from O'Bail to attend a council at Buffalo, where I expected the pleasure of seeing you. We attended, and waited a few days; but the

* The warmth of Brant's friendship -for Mr. Phelps, and the strength of his attachment to him, are explained by the circumstance that Mr. Phelps had married the daughter of the elder President Wheelock, with whom the Chief had doubtless become acquainted while at the Moor Charity School. As Mr. Phelps subsequently became the pioneer of the Episcopal Church in the western part of the State of New-York, some farther notice of him will be proper in this place. He was a native of Hebron, (Connecticut,) where he was born in 1755. He was graduated at Yale College, with high credit for his classical attainments, in 1775. Soon afterward he entered the army of the Revolution, in Colonel Beadle's regiment-was made prisoner and taken to Montreal, where he remained so long that he acquired the French language so as to speak it with elegance. He was married to Catharine Wheelock in 1785, and was for a time engaged in the mercantile business, in company with his brothers-in-law, Ebenezer and James Wheelock, in Hartford (Conn.) He afterward removed to New-Hampshire, where he practised law, and served as a magistrate. In 1792 he visited Upper Canada in company with James Wheelock, where they jointly obtained a grant of eighty-four thousand acres of land from Governor Simcoe. Soon afterward he removed his family to Upper Canada, and settled for a time at Niagara, where he commenced the practice of the law, and established a printing-office. He also had a mercantile concern at that place, the bust. ness of which was chiefly conducted by an agent. He had a taste for agricultural and horticultural pursuits, and paid much attention to husbandry and the cultivation of fruit. A close intimacy subsisted between himself and Captain Brant, and between their families. He appears to have been early a religious man, and had, for some time anterior to Brant's application in his behalf for orders, a strong desire to enter the Episcopal Church.-MS. Life of Rev. Davenport Phelps, in preparation by the Rev. Dr. Kudd of Utica.

chiefs there not being ready to meet us, and we having business that required our attendance at this place, were under the necessity of coming away. Had I been so fortunate as to have met you there, it was my intention to have conversed with you upon a subject which I have long considered as most important to the present and future well-being of the Indians on both sides of the lakes and at large; namely, their situation in a moral point of view, and concerning measures proper to be taken in order that regular and stated religious instruction might be introduced among them.

" You well know, Sir, the general state of the Indians residing on Grand River, as well as in other parts. A considerable number of some of these nations have long since embraced Christianity, and the conversion of others must depend, under the influence of the Great Spirit, on the faithful labors of a resident minister, who might visit and instruct both here and elsewhere, as ways and doors might from time to time be opened for him.

"The establishment and enlargement of civilization and Christianity among the natives must be most earnestly desired by all good men; and as religion and morality respect mankind at large, without any reference to the boundaries of civil governments, I natter myself that you, Sir, will approve what many of the chiefs here, with myself, are so greatly desirous of

" I have in view, as I have before suggested, the welfare of the Indians at large ; being fully persuaded that nothing can so greatly contribute to their present and future happiness as their being brought into the habits of virtue and morality, which, I trust, may and will be gradually effected by instruction, if properly attended and enforced by example.

" I well know the difficulty of finding a gentleman suitably qualified, and willing to devote his life to the work of a missionary among them; and especially one of talents and manners to render him agreeable in a degree highly to favor his usefulness. And, in order to satisfy myself in this respect, I faithfully inquired and consulted, and am clearly of opinion, that Mr. Davenport Phelps, who is recommended as a gentleman of virtue and respectable accomplishments, is the most suitable character for this office of any one within my knowledge. My long acquaintance with his family, and particular knowledge of him, as well as the opinion and wishes of the most respectable characters among the white people in this vicinity, who earnestly wish, for themselves as well as for us, that he may be ordained a missionary, make me earnestly hope that you will officially recommend both the design and him to the Right Reverend Bishops in the United States, or to some one of them, and to such other characters as you may think proper.

" From the consideration that religion and politics are distinct subjects, we should not only be well satisfied to receive a Missionary from a Bishop in the United States, but, for various other reasons, would prefer one from thence.

" We shall be able here to do something considerable towards Mr. Phelps's support; and I doubt not but others, who have ability, will be disposed to assist in promoting so good a work. I will add no more than that I have great satisfaction in being confident of your friendly and influential exertions in this important affair, and that I am, with great sincerity, yours, &c., " JOSEPH BRANT."*

The application to the American Church was successful, and the Missionary was ordained.+ But whether the measure was
* Brant had had some previous acquaintance with Colonel Burr and his family, as will appear in a subsequent page. This letter was enclosed by Colonel Burr to his daughter Theodosia, then Mrs. Alston, in December, 1801, with the following remark:-"Yesterday Mr. Phelps, mentioned in the enclosed, delivered to me two pair of moccasins, directed-" From Captain Joseph Brant to Mr. and Mrs. Alston." Your ship having sailed, 1 don't know how or when I shall forward them to you; but we will see. I send the original letter of Captain Brant, merely to show how an Indian can write. It is his own hand-writing and composition. Upon this notice of his attention you should write him a letter of acknowledgment for his hospitality," &c. The author will here remark, that the orthography of Captain Brant was remarkable and almost invariably accurate.

+ Mr. Phelps was ordained a Deacon in Trinity Church, in the city of New York, by Bishop Benjamin Moore, on Sunday, December 13, 1801. He immediately returned to Canada,and entered upon the active duties of a missionary, holding frequent services, and travelling far and, wide in the discharge of his duties. His residence then, and for several years before, was upon his farm about three miles from Burlington Bay. Captain Brant had repeatedly endeavored to induce him to accept a grant of land, probably with a view to his residence with, or near him, at Grand River, but without success-as the accumulation of wealth was not the desire of Mr. Phelps. In 1803 he was ordained as a priest in St. Peter's Church, Albany, also by Bishop Moore. Thenceforward he entered upon the life of a missionary in the western part of New-York, and in 1805 removed his family from Upper Canada to Onondaga. He subsequently removed to Geneva, where he died some years since.-MS. Account of his life by Dr. Rudd.

facilitated by the exertions of Colonel Burr, is not known. The subject has been treated thus at large, for the purpose of developing with more distinctness the religious bias of the Chieftain's character, as illustrated by the earnest perseverance with which he sought the Christian improvement of his people. From other letters and documents among his papers, it is farther rendered certain that several religious gentlemen of distinction in the United States were in occasional correspondence with him upon religious and other subjects connected with the history and condition of his people. His house, likewise, seems to have been the free and open quarters of the Missionaries employed at that early stage of the modern missionary enterprise, among the borderers, both Anglo-Saxon and Aboriginal.* As an example of this description of correspondence, the following letter is given-for the double purpose of showing the estimate placed upon the character of Captain Brant by the great and good of that day, and of embalming the name of one of the most devout and faithful pioneers of Christianity that ever made the wilderness ring with the Gospel trumpet-the Rev. Elkanah Holmes :

REV. JOHN M. MASON, D. D., TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" New-York, June 16, 1801.
"SIR,

"The Directors of the New-York Missionary Society have instructed me to tender you their acknowledgments for your friendship to their missionary, the Rev. Elkanah Holmes.+ This gentleman, in whose discretion and integrity they repose entire confidence, they have employed in a second mission to those tribes of Indians whom your influence particularly affects.
* Mr. Phelps had much intercourse with Captain Brant and his family. When he preached in the vicinity of the family of Brant, that household formed a part, and a very attentive part, of his audience.-MS. of the Rev. Dr. Rudd.
+ Mr. Holmes devoted many years to missionary labors among the Indians, of whom he took his leave about the year 1812. He lived many years afterward, and died at a very advanced age. Like Heckewelder, he imbibed the most enthusiastic admiration of the Indian character in its native unsophisticated state. In the course of his experience, however, he arrived at the painful conclusion that it is all but impossible to do any good to them while subject to the moral contagion of white men and strong drink. His appearance in the latter years of his life was truly patriarchal. His hair, long and white, fell down upon his shoulders; his manner was remarkably impressive, and his whole demeanor that of one who was ripe for heaven. He was a Calvinistic Baptist.

The purity of their views, embracing the moral and religious interests of the Indians, induces them to believe that their attempts will not be unacceptable to you; and your former kindness to Mr. Holmes emboldens them to ask for him such countenance and advice as your intimate knowledge of Indian affairs, and the weight of your opinion in directing them, render it expedient for you to give. For your farther satisfaction with regard to the missionary system, Mr. Holmes will present you with a volume containing the sermons preached before the Society, and the annual accounts of their procedure ; of which the directors do themselves the pleasure to request your acceptance.
" With respect, I am, Sir,
" Your obedient servant,
" JOHN M. MASON, Secretary.
" Captain Joseph Brant."

The Chief was likewise in correspondence with the Rev. Samuel Miller of New-York, now Doctor Miller, of Princeton, as appears by the following letter :-

CAPTAIN BRANT TO THE REV. SAMUEL MILLER.
" Grand River, Feb. 9, 1801.
"SIR, ''

"I feel a particular satisfaction that I have now had an opportunity of answering your letter by the Rev. Mr. Holmes. I have explained, as far as in my power, the queries you have proposed. I hope you will excuse the long delay I have made since I received your letter, and not altogether attribute it to neglect or unwillingness to serve you; for I have myself a strong inclination for searching into the antiquities of our nations and others, but the multiplicity of business I have always had on hand, has hitherto prevented me. Even now, what I have said on the subject is in haste, and as brief as possible. Should it so happen that I might have it in my power further to assist you, I shall do it with pleasure.*
* It is a matter of no small regret that the author has not been able to procure a copy of the letter referred to. At the time when the now venerable Dr. Miller opened a correspondence with Brant, he was projecting a History of New York, and was then collecting materials for that object. Brant had also contemplated writing a

" I cannot omit acknowledging the satisfaction I feel from what the Rev. Mr. Holmes has acquainted me with, respecting the generous intentions of your society for diffusing religion and civilization among the Indian nations in general. I would be happy to hear from you, how far your society may propose to extend their goodness, with respect to the education of Indian youths that might be well recommended to them. And also, if they would be willing, and it might be consistent with their constitution, to assist some Indians who have yet claims on lands in the United States, such as the Nantikokes in Maryland, and the Munsees near Minisink, who have requested me to make the application. The Rev. Mr. Holmes can more particularly inform you on this subject."

Unfortunately the Mohawks, like all other primitive American nations with whom the white people have come in contact, were lovers of rum, and subject, of course, to the evils consequent upon that species of debasement. The prevalence of this vice seems to have been viewed with deep solicitude by Captain Brant, and a system of prevention early entered into his views on commencing the labor of building up his nation anew. But all experience has shown how futile are these attempts to keep the fire-waters from the lips of the Indian, so long as unprincipled white men are permitted to approach their borders with their alembics, or minister the ready-made liquor to their burning appetites. In like manner were the efforts of Captain Brant frustrated. In a letter to Sir John Johnson, dated June 30th, 1800, in reference to this subject, he said:-" The accidents " which have happened in the drunken frolics here, have princi" pally proceeded from an opposition party to those chiefs who " wished to adopt some necessary regulations. Captain Claus
history of The Six Nations; and it is quite probable that his reply to the queries of Doctor Miller was both a valuable and a curious document. When Doctor Miller removed from New-York to Princeton, in the year 1813, he was just recovering from a fit of sickness, which disabled him from attending to his papers. The consequence was, that owing to the carelessness of others, his manuscripts and historical collections were greatly scattered, and many of them irrecoverably lost. Among the latter were the letters of Captain Brant, as the author has been informed by the Doctor himself, in reply to a letter addressed to him. After stating the circumstances attending the loss of his manuscripts, the Doctor says-" after the most diligent search that I can make, I cannot find a line of what I received from that remarkable man.''
VOL. II. 29

seems very uneasy, and wishes to take some steps to prevent those melancholy misfortunes. He urges me to point out some mode in which it can be effected. In answer I furnished him in writing with a detail of the plan, (of which I presume he will send you a copy,) which was adopted when we first settled here, and which could at that time have been carried into effect, but for the insurmountable impediments thrown in the way by the government. I should be glad of your opinion on this unfortunate subject."

It must be reckoned among the mysteries in the economy of Providence, that women, of every age, and hue, and clime, are doomed to suffer more severely from the effects of intemperance in the other sex than men. The maddening poison of the intoxicating cup infuriates the stronger passions of the men, and imparts fiend-like energy to their already superior physical powers; and among savage as well as civilized men, those under its diabolical influence often wreak their senseless violence upon the least offending and the least capable of resistance. It was thus among the Mohawks. At least nothing less can be inferred from the following memoranda of proceedings upon this subject, among the papers of Captain Brant:-

" On the 22d of May, 1802, the women assembled in council, to which they called the chiefs. They then addressed them as follows:

"UNCLES: Some time ago the women of this place spoke to you; but you did not, then answer them, as you considered their meeting not sufficient. Now; a considerable number of those from below having met and consulted together, join in sentiment, and lament as it were with tears in our eyes; the many misfortunes caused by the use of spirituous liquors. We therefore mutually request that you will use your endeavors to have it removed from our neighborhood, that there may be none sold nigher to us than the mountain. We flatter ourselves that this is in your power; and that you will have compassion on our uneasiness, and exert yourselves to have it done."

Strings of Wampum.

How like woman ! She discerned the cause of the evil she saw and felt: yet she indulged no resentments-she complained not of her sufferings-but mildly entreated that the cause might be removed. Thus; ever forward to shield those she loved from temptation and danger, by her influence and persuasions exerting might in her weakness; and rendering the strong man stronger by her anxious yet watchful guardianship of his virtue. But their counsel did not end here. There had been domestic feuds and collisions among their lords. The Seneca demagogue had sown dissensions between the warriors and their chiefs, and the Mohawk women appeared also in their own true and beneficent character of peace-makers. After the portion of their address quoted above had been delivered, " some others," (says the manuscript;) spoke thus :-

" UNCLES : The division and separation of the warriors from the chiefs gives us much uneasiness ; we therefore entreat you, both chiefs and warriors, that you will bury all dispute, that our affairs may go on with the usual friendship and tranquility. As for our part, we have been in a great measure a principal cause in influencing our male relations; but we now drop it and promise to observe a quite different conduct, and we hope in future that no reports shall be able to rekindle the fire of contention."

Strings of Wampum.

The manner in which these rude females of the forest made their appeal, might serve as a pattern of delicacy to many of the sex of loftier pretensions. Nor was it without its effect upon the council of chiefs to whom it was addressed. After adjourning a short time for consideration, they returned, and Captain Brant delivered their reply to the following purpose :-

" NIECES : We are fully convinced of the justice of your request; drinking has caused the many misfortunes in this place, and has been, besides, a great cause of the divisions, by the effect it has upon the people's speech. We assure you, therefore, that we will use our endeavors to effect what you desire. However, it depends in a great measure upon government, as the distance you propose is within their line. We cannot therefore absolutely promise that our request will be complied with.

String's.

" NIECES : With respect to your request to bury all differences, we heartily comply with it, and thank you for the wisdom you showed in here interfering. It was the custom of our ancestors for the women, by their moderation, to heal up all animosities. Be assured, therefore, that we bury every thing disagreeable that may have happened hitherto ; and in future we shall be upon our guard against tales, and also saying any thing thoughtlessly ourselves; we only regret that the warriors are not here present, to concur with us in re-establishing unity and amity."

Strings.

If the proceedings of this female council appear rather too episodical for direct historical narrative, they are nevertheless illustrations of Indian manners and character. It is, moreover, a satisfaction thus to secure from oblivion, and preserve, a document bearing beautiful testimony, that even in a barbarous state of society, women are still found foremost in the conservation of virtue, and as persevering peace-makers in the midst of anarchy and strife. And besides, the females of no other race have had so little justice done to their character as those of the American Indian. While the women of every other people have been apotheosized, even down to the ebon daughter of Africa who moistened the parched lips of Mungo Park; who has ever rendered the just meed of homage to the patient, unostentatious virtues, and the noble qualities, of the tawny daughters of the American forest, save in the case of Pocahontas ?

The reader has already seen that the religious tenets of Captain Brant were Episcopalian. It came not within the requisitions of his creed, therefore, even had policy been out of the question, to discountenance the games and amusements of his people. On the contrary, he loved to encourage their pastimes and divertisements, and by so doing, gave evidence of his wisdom. Indeed, it may well be doubted whether, in this respect, the ancients, and all uncivilized nations, have not been wiser in their generations than the modern Anglo-Saxons and their American children. -Relaxation of mind and body is necessary alike to the health and elasticity of both. "When the Puritans of New England banished the merry Christmas festival of Old England, they soon saw the necessity of creating a substitute, which was found in the feast of Thanksgiving. Still, the people of the United States have ever been so thoroughly utilitarian in the use of their hours, as really to deny themselves time for a suitable indulgence in rational amusements. Thus the harvest-home is forgotten ; the rustic gambols of Christmas are almost unknown ; no joyous groups dance around the Maypole, or twine the garland for the brow of its queen. The Americans have no seasons for reinvigorating their systems by wholesome athletic exercises, or dispelling care by rural sports among flowers, and groves, and fountains. The native sports of the Indians are less refined and poetical than were the pastimes and festivals of the Greeks and Romans; but they doubtless contribute as much to the enjoyment of the people, while they are no less rational, and are marked by a high degree of moral purity.

The neglect of athletic exercises, and games, by the white people, moreover, works positive injury. Contrast the tall, erect posture, the elastic tread of the Indian, with the plodding pace and inclining gait of the white man ! Is it not obvious that the difference is attributable to the difference of physical training ? The white laborer is generally worked too hard when young. His labors, whether in the field or the work-shop, are invariably such as to draw the body forward, while there is no exercise allowed the antagonistic muscles-those which sustain the body in an upright position. The consequence is, that while the Indian indulges in those sports which expand the chest, and throw back the shoulders, and impart agility and grace to the movements of the limbs, the white man, instead of looking upward to the heavens, is bowed down to the posture of the brute creation.

Among other amusements, in addition to their own native sports of running, wrestling, and leaping*-their dances and songs-their sacrifices, and other festivals of war and of thanksgiving-the Six Nations had adopted from the whites the popular game of ball, or cricket. Indeed, so much attached were they to this manly exercise, that the game had become national throughout the Confederacy: and it was no uncommon thing for one nation to challenge another to play a match-upon a much larger scale, beyond doubt, than was ever practised among the pale-faces.

A game of this kind was commenced on one occasion, in the year 1794, between the young Mohawks and Senecas, which was well nigh attended with fatal consequences. The Mohawks were the challengers. After the game had proceeded
*Mary Jemison states that these athletic games and exercises were practised, not only that their bodies might become more supple, or rather that they might not become enervated, but that they might be enabled lo make proper selection of chiefs for the councils of the nation and leaders for war.

for a considerable time, one of the Mohawks, in a struggle with a Seneca for a stroke at the ball, struck his antagonist a sharp blow with his bat. The occurrence having been observed by the players, the Senecas dropped their bats instantly, to a man, and retired to their posts with silent, though evident resentment. Without speaking a word, but with bosoms heaving with indignation, they took up the stakes they had deposited, and retired to their own country, on the upper waters of the Genesee, toward the northern spur of the Alleghanies. About three weeks subsequent to the occurrence, a Seneca messenger arrived at the Mohawk village, dispatched thither by Red Jacket, the Cornplanter, and others, complaining of the insult, demanding satisfaction for the affront, and denouncing war in case of refusal. The Mohawks, feeling that they were in the wrong, were somewhat troubled at the message. Brant convened a council of his chiefs, and after consultation, a message was returned to the Senecas, proposing an amicable meeting of the chiefs of both nations, to confer upon the subject matter of complaint, with a view of healing the wound by compromise and explanation, and of course without bloodshed. The Senecas, anxious to avoid hostilities against a nation with which they had been in alliance so long, acceded to the pacific proposition, and a joint council was the consequence. Red Jacket; however, did all he could to prevent a reconciliation. He delivered an inflammatory speech, laboring with all his art and eloquence to aggravate the insult, and urging his nation to avenge the insult by an appeal to arms. But Captain O'Bail, and some others of the older Seneca chiefs, were for the adoption of a more conciliatory course. They were little moved by the exciting philippic of Red Jacket, and desired nothing more of the Mohawks than a reasonable and honorable atonement for the wrong done to their young warrior by the party offending. The proposition was met with equal magnanimity on the part of the Mohawks, and the result of the council was an adjustment of the difficulty. The calnmet was smoked, and the chiefs-all save the disappointed demagogue, Red Jacket-separated upon the most amicable terms.*

Three years afterward, in the Summer of 1797, another match
* Notes of a visit to Captain Brant, and of conversations with him, by SamuelWoodruff, Esq. of Windsor, Con.

of cricket was played between the two nations. The Seneca were this time the challengers, but the game was played at the Mohawk village, on the Grand River, and was commenced during the visit of the gentleman to whom Captain Brant had related the particulars of the foregoing unpleasant occurrence. It was, in fact, the conversation naturally flowing from the pending match that led the Chief to speak of the incidents connected with the former. The playing was to commence at 9 o'clock in the morning, and the invitation of Captain Brant to see the amusement, was accepted by his guest.

The place selected for the trial of strength, agility, and skill, was a broad and beautiful green, of perhaps one hundred acres perfectly level, and smooth as a carpet, without tree or shrub, or stone to encumber it. On one side of the green the Senecas had collected in a sort of irregular encampment-men, women, and children-to the number of more than a thousand. On the other side the Mohawks were actively assembling in yet greater numbers. The stakes deposited by each party were laid upon the ground in heaps, consisting of rifles, hatchets, swords, belts, knives, blankets, wampum, watches, beads, broaches, furs, and a variety of other articles of Indian utility and taste-amounting, in the whole, according to the estimate of Captain Brant, to upward of a thousand dollars a side. By the side of the stakes were seated a group of the aged Chiefs-"grave and reverend seignors," whose beards had been silvered by the frosts of many winters, and whose visages gave evidence of the toils of war and the chase.

The combatants numbered about six hundred upon a side, young and middle-aged men-nimble of foot, athletic and muscular. Their countenances beamed with animation and high hope. In order to the free and unfettered use of their sinewy limbs, their persons were naked with the exception of a single garment like an apron, or kilt, fastened around the waist, and descending nearly to the knee. The area of the play-ground was designated by two pair of " byes," placed at about thirty rods distant from each other, and the goals of each pair about thirty feet apart. The combatants ranged themselves in parallel lines on each side of the area, facing inward, and leaving a space between them of about ten rods in breadth. Their bats were three feet six inches in length, curved at the lower end somewhat in the form of a ladle, the broad part for striking the ball being formed of net-work, woven of thongs of untanned deer-skin, strained to the tension of tight elasticity. The ball, large as a middling-sized apple, was also composed of elastic materials.

On one side of the area, near the centre of the line, and in a conspicuous place, were seated a body of elderly sachems, of each nation, with knives and tally-sticks, to score the game. The rules governing the game were somewhat intricate. None of the players were allowed to touch the ball with hand or foot, until driven beyond, the "byes" or land-marks. It was then thrown back by hand toward or into the centre of the area, when the game proceeded as before. Their mode of counting the game was peculiar, the tallies-men not being in all cases bound by arbitrary rules, but left to the exercise of a certain degree of discretionary power. Each passage of the ball between the goals, at the end of the play-ground, counted one, so long as the contest was nearly equal; but, for the purpose of protracting the game, whenever one party became considerably in advance of the other, the tally-chiefs were allowed to check or curtail their count in proportion to the excess. For instance, if the leading party had run up a regular count to thirty, while their opponents had numbered but fifteen, the tallies-men, at their discretion, and by consent of each other, though unknown to the players; would credit the winning party with only two notches for three passages of the ball-varying from time to time, according to the state of the game. The object of this course was to protract the game, and to increase the amusement, while despondency upon either side was prevented, and the chance of ultimate victory increased. Frequently, by this discretionary mode of counting, the game was continued three or four days.

The game on this occasion was commenced by about sixty players on a side, who advanced from their respective lines with bats in their hands, into the centre of the play-ground. Of this number about twenty were stationed at the end land-marks, to guard the passage of the ball. The players who were to begin, were apparently mingled promiscuously together. All things being thus ready, a beautiful maiden, richly dressed in the native costume of her people, wearing a red tiara plumed with eagles feathers, and. glittering with bracelets and other ornaments of silver, came bounding like a gazelle into the area, with the ball which she placed upon the ground in the centre. Instantly the welkin rang with the shouts of the whole multitude of spectators, and the play began ; while the bright-eyed maiden danced back, and joined her own circle among the surrounding throng. The match was begun by two of the opposing players, who advanced to the ball, and with their united bats raised it from the ground to such an elevation as gave a chance for a fair stroke; when, quick as lightning, it was sped through the air almost with the swiftness of a bullet. Much depends upon the first stroke, and great skill is exerted to obtain it.

The match was played with great spirit, and the display of agility and muscular strength was surprising. Every nerve was strung; and so great were the exertions of the players, that each set was relieved by fresh hands every fifteen or twenty minutes; thus alternating, and allowing every player of the whole number to perform his part, until the game was finished. The scene was full of excitement and animation. The principal Chief entered fully into the enjoyment, and by his explanations to his guest heightened its interest, which of itself, the latter declared to have afforded him a greater degree of satisfaction than any game or pastime that he had ever beheld. The contest was continued three days, at the end of which, after a severe struggle, the Senecas were proclaimed the victors, sweeping the stakes, to the great mortification of the proud-spirited Mohawks the head of the Confederacy.

Mr. Woodruff, from whose notes the preceding description has been derived, was highly gratified with his visit to the Chief, with whom he passed several days. In his person he said he was graceful and dignified-easy and affable in conversation, His stature was five feet eleven inches-of the finest form and proportions-robust and firm, and possessing great muscular power. His countenance was open, placid, and inviting-his eyes brilliant and expressive-in short, every thing in relation to his person was engaging and prepossessing.

No people are more particular in paying honors to the dead than the Indians, and their funerals are marked with deep and affecting solemnity. As among civilized nations, the pomp and pageantry of woe vary according to the rank of the deceased and the wealth of the family, or the ability and disposition of friends to defray the expenses of the funeral, the entertainment at the grave, and the presents to be distributed. But, however humble the deceased, the remains are never unhonored or unwept; and among no people on earth are stronger evidences given of tender affection. Nor are funeral honors bestowed only upon the men. There is a mistaken idea generally prevalent, that the Indian woman is treated with contempt, arising from the well-known fact, that certain offices and labors, accounted as menial among the whites, or as improper to be imposed upon women, are always performed by them among the Indians. But the allotment of those duties to the women has arisen from their usages, and the peculiar structure of their society, time immemorial. Nor is the custom any evidence of disrespect or contumely. On the contrary, it may be doubted whether the females of the white people, even among nations of the most refinment, exercise a higher or more salutary degree of influence, than do the Indian women. Nor, when dead, are they treated with less respect than the warriors. " The greatest honors are paid to the remains of the wives of renowned warriors and veteran chiefs, particularly if they were descended themselves of a high family, which is by no means an indifferent thing among the Indians, who love to honor the merit of their great men in the persons of their relatives."* The funerals of chiefs and warriors, and of distinguished women, were attended by the heads of the tribe, and all the people, and their ceremonies were highly impressive. On the opening of all their councils, a ceremony of condolence was performed, and an appropriate speech delivered, in memory of those who had died, or been slain on the war-path, since their last meeting. These ceremonies were solemn, and their speeches often full of simplicity, tenderness, and pathos. Among the papers of Sir William Johnson is a manuscript of a speech of condolence, delivered at the opening of a council in 1761, by Seneca George, a few passages of which may be cited as an example:--

"BROTHERS : We suppose that in the late troubles you may have lost many of your people, either by sickness or war, since we were last together; by this string, therefore, we wipe away the tears from your eyes, clear your throats, wash away the
* Heckewelder.

blood from your bodies, sweep the council chamber, and throw the dirt out of doors, that you may see and speak to us clearly at the present conference. [A String.]

" BROTHERS : We are sorry, from the bottom of our hearts for the death of your men, women, and children, and by this belt we collect all their bones together, bury them in one grave, and cover them up.

[A black belt, eight rows, streaked with white.]

" BROTHERS : We are at great loss, and sit in darkness as well as yon, by the death of Conrad Weiser,* as, since his death, we cannot so well understand one another. By this belt we cover his body with bark.

[A white belt of seven rows, with four black streaks.]

" BROTHERS : By the last belt, I mentioned to you that we
both sat in darkness. Now, by this belt I remove the clouds
from before the sun, that we may see it rise and set, and that
your hearts may be eased from sorrow on account of what I
mentioned before. [Delivered a white belt of five rows, with
three black bars.] We pray the Great God above, who can en-
lighten our hearts, that we may live in love and peace until
death."

From the manuscripts of Captain Brant, it seems frequently to have been his duty to perform the ceremony of condolence, and he sometimes speaks of making a journey to a considerable distance for that sole purpose. Only one of his speeches, however, on such an occasion, remains among his papers. That was delivered in the name of the Five Nations, on the 24th of February, 1801, at Fort George, (Niagara,) on the death of Mrs. Claus,+ the mother of the Deputy Superintendent:-

SPEECH OF CONDOLENCE TO CAPTAIN CLAUS.

" BROTHER : We are here now met in the presence of the Spirit above, with intent to keep up the ancient custom of condolement. We therefore condole with you for your late loss of our well-beloved sister, whom now you have interred.

" BROTHER : We hope that this may not damp your heart, so much as to make you forget us, who are your brothers-not only ourselves, but our wives and children.

* Celebrated in the Indian Annals, for many years, as an interpeter.
+ Daughter of Sir William Johnson.

" BROTHER : We say now again, that by our late loss, it seems our fire is somewhat extinguished. But we have now found a few brands remaining, and have collected them together, and have raised a straight smoke to the clouds.

" BROTHER : We therefore with this string of wampum wipe away the tears from your eyes, and would take away all sorrow from your heart. But that is impossible: still, it is the customary way of making the speech. We therefore mention it: and with the said wampum we wipe away all stains of whatever should remain on your seat, so that you may sit down in comfort.

" BROTHER : We say again with this string of wampum, as you seem to be all in darkness, we with the same string enlighten the skies above us, so that it may appear to us all as it formerly used to do.

" BROTHER : We say again with this string of wampum, as owe have now made our speech of condolement, we hope to raise you upon your feet, as you formerly used to be; for since our late loss, it seems you have been confined as one absent.*

" BROTHER : We hope you will not forget our calamities hoping that this shock may not put us out of your memory entirely-and also that you may continue to help us, as you formerly used to do.

" BROTHER : This last string which now I give you, is given, by the whole Six Nations, so as to strengthen your mind and body-that you may not be too much cast down by the occasion of our late loss."

An address was likewise transmitted to the council from the women, which was delivered by a sachem called Old Thomas; but a copy has not been preserved. Only the last half sheet of Captain Claus's reply is now to be found. The conclusion was this:-

"* * * * * * * She was good, and was a friend to you all, as far as she had it in her power, by speaking in your favor always. But was I to continue, I should again bring to my memory her great love for me, and fill my eyes and heart again, so that I could not attend to your affairs. Accept my

* Captain Claus had been so much affected by the death of his mother, as to be confined to his room ; and although he met the Chiefs in council on this occasion, he was unable to reply-but sent his speech afterward in writing.

grateful thanks for your condolence, and allow me to look upon you as my friends-wishing you, and all belonging- to you, health and all happiness.

" BROTHERS, I now address myself again to you. As the business is now over, and you will be turning your faces toward home, I pray to the Great Spirit that he will make your road smooth, and leave no obstacle in the way, that will either hurt or stop you; but that you may get safe home, and meet your friends all well; whom I beg you will salute for me. I shall always be happy to be numbered among your friends."

In private life, the character of Brant was estimable, and in the social circle often very agreeable. The testimony of the Baroness De Reidesel, who met him at the castle at Quebec, has already been cited in a former chapter. During the portion of his life now under review, being the last twelve years, he had many journies to perform,-to the lower province to look after the interests of his own immediate people ; to the upper lakes, to keep the chain of friendship with his old confederates from becoming rusty; and to Canandaigua, and elsewhere, to visit his friends, and upon matters of business. In addition to all these, early in the year 1797 he made another visit to Albany and Philadelphia, striking from New-York into New England on his return.* Judging from the tone of a letter which he wrote after his arrival home, to a friend among the upper Indian nations, he must have encountered some unpleasant circumstances during that journey. It was not, however, entirely divested of agreeable associations ; and several incidents have been collected by the author, which will serve as better illustrations of his social character than any other in the entire history of his career. An extract from the letter just referred to follows:-

" Grand River, July 2, 1797.
" DEAR SIR,

" It is some time since I received your letter, and I have already answered it by way of Fort Erie ; but I did not in it mention the particulars of my jaunt to the States. In the first place, * His quarters in the city of New-York, during that visit, were at Batten's Hotel, the old brick edifice yet standing on the south corner of Nassau and John streets. The Hon. Jeromus Johnson, of New-York, has furnished the author with an account of a visit made by him to the Chief in that hotel, in company with Dr. Dingley and the celebrated Dr. Priestley. See Appendix, No. XVI.

I met with a very cool reception, insomuch that I did not see any of the great men at Philadelphia. I suppose, by this, that they must have forgot that I was a Yankee, when I was there before, and also at the last meeting we had at the foot of the Rapids, when it was reported among you, gentlemen of the Indian department, that I was favoring the Yankee interest. I expected they might have paid a little more attention to me, after the great service you supposed I had done them. I was greatly insulted on the road between Philadelphia and Jersey, by a Yankee colonel whose name I don't recollect, insomuch that the affair was nearly coming to blows. At New-York they were very friendly, and likewise in Connecticut, (in New England,) they were very civil. At Albany there were several people who threatened to kill me behind my back; so that the great men there thought it necessary to send a man with me, as a protector, to the end of the settlement at German Flatts. I suppose these people have also forgot that I was a Yankee."

By the term " great men at Philadelphia," the old Chief must have meant the heads of the administration, since he was most hospitably entertained by some distinguished gentlemen then at the seat of government. The attentions which he received from " the great men at Philadelphia," five years before, were bestowed under peculiar circumstances. He was there at that time in a semi-official capacity, and at the urgent solicitation of the government itself; and it was the duty of the government to render all those civilities which might contribute to the pleasure of his visit. The government, moreover, were hoping that important results might flow from that visit, and very marked attentions were the natural consequence. It is, indeed, too much the way of the world-especially of courts, whether republican or monarchical-to caress and flatter where they have a purpose to serve, as in turn the great are caressed and flattered by those hanging upon their favors. But, under the circumstances of this second visit of the Mohawk, divested, as it was, altogether of official character and importance, his expectations of particular official attentions were probably unreasonable. He had seen far too much of the world, and had mingled too much in society of all ranks and conditions, yet to retain the simplicity of unsophisticated nature, and he might therefore have understood his altered position, and spared his sarcasm. Certainly, though he might not have breathed the air of the court, or been shouldered by the factious bandyings of its favorites, he was treated with marked attention by gentlemen at that time of high distinction, and his society much courted. Among others, the late Colonel Burr, then a Senator in Congress, gave him a brilliant dinner party. The Senator had previously been in correspondence with the Chief, and liked him much. Indeed, it was upon the Colonel's invitation that he visited Philadelphia at that time. Among the guests from abroad assembled on that occasion, were the minister of the French Republic ; Volney the traveller ; Talleyrand, and other distinguished gentlemen of that nation, brought hither by the political troubles of their own country. Knowing his colloquial powers to be very good, and that he had the faculty of rendering himself not only agreeable but fascinating in conversation, the Colonel and his friends were somewhat disappointed, in the earlier stages of the entertainment, at the Chieftain's taciturnity. All the cold reserve of his race seemed to have come over him, and for a while every effort to draw him out in discourse was ineffectual. Meantime the Indians, their character, history, and destiny, became the leading topics of conversation. At length, after various suggestions had been made as to the most feasible and effectual methods of their civilization, Brant suddenly joined in the discussion; treating the subject with good sense, but with alternate gravity and humor. He avowed it as his settled conviction, however, that the only effectual process of civilizing his people, must be their amalgamation with the blood of the whites; that the Indian could only be tamed by intermarriages. Occasionally during his own participation in this discussion, there was a drollery in his manner that created great amusement. During the residue of the evening he contributed his full share to the conversation, exhibiting at all times sterling good sense, and enlivening the hours with sallies of pleasantry and wit which " set the table in a roar." The result was not only an agreeable, but highly intellectual entertainment.*

On leaving Philadelphia for New-York, Colonel Burr gave the Chief the following letter of introduction to his youthful and gifted daughter Theodosia+-afterward Mrs. Alston :-
* Conversations of the author with Colonel Burr, noted down on the day they were held.
+ Miss Burr was then in her fourteenth year.

COLONEL BURR TO HIS DAUGHTER.
" Philadelphia, Feb. 28, 1797.
" This will be handed to you by Colonel Brant, the celebrated Indian Chief. I am sure that you and Natalie+ will be happy in the opportunity of seeing a man so much renowned. He is a man of education-speaks and writes the English perfectly and has seen much of Europe and America. Receive him with respect and hospitality. He is not one of those Indians who drink rum, but is quite a gentleman ; not one who will make you fine bows, but one who understands and practices what belongs to propriety and good breeding. He has daughters-if you could think of some little present to send to one of them- a pair of earrings, for example,-it would please him. You may talk to him very freely, and offer to introduce him to your -friend Mr. "Witbeck, at Albany. Yale; et ama, " A. B.

" MISS THEODOSIA BURR,
"No. 30 Partition-street, New-York."

Miss Theodosia received the forest Chief with all the courtesy and hospitality suggested ; and, young as she was, she performed the honors of her father's house in a manner that must have been as gratifying to her absent parent as it was creditable to herself. Among other attentions, she gave him a dinner party, selecting for her guests some of the most eminent gentlemen in the city, among whom were Bishop Moore and Doctors Bard and Hosack. In writing to her father upon the subject, she gave a long and sprightly account of the entertainment. She said that, in making the preliminary arrangements she had been somewhat at a loss in the selection of such dishes as would probably suit the palate of her principal guest. Being a savage warrior, and in view of the many tales she had heard, of

The Cannibals that each other eat, The anthropophagi, and men whose heads Do grow beneath their shoulders-

she added, sportively, that she had a mind to lay the hospitalunder contribution for a human head, to be served up like a
* Natalie Delagie, an adopted child of Colonel Burr, born in France, and subsequently married to a son of General Sumpter, of South Carolina.

boar's head in ancient hall barbarie. But, after all; she found him a most Christian and civilized guest in his manners.*

It has been seen from his own letter, that the Chief was well pleased during his visit in New-York. He had, indeed, reason to be gratified, for he was treated with marked kindness and consideration. His own deportment was, moreover, such as to secure the respect and esteem of those with whom he came into association. The Rev. Dr. Miller, who became acquainted with him during that visit, in a letter to the author already referred to in a note, thus speaks of him:-" I have called Joseph Brant ' a remarkable man.' He was, in my opinion, truly so. My personal intercourse with him was not considerable; but it was quite sufficient to impress me with most respectful sentiments of his intellectual character, his personal dignity, and his capacity to appear well in any society. I met with him repeatedly ;-was with him at a dining party-and listened to his conversation in various situations-some of them rather trying; and was surprised at the simple, easy, polished, and even court-like manners which he was capable of assuming; though, at the same time, I was assured that ho was capable of being as great a savage as any individual of his nation. I remember, on one occasion, that when some very impertinent and unseasonable questions were addressed to him by a gentleman who ought to have known better, he evaded them with perfect civility, and at the same time with an adroitness and address which showed that he was fitted to be no mean diplomatist."

Another gentleman, whose opportunities of studying the manners and character of Captain Brant were extended through several years of occasional intercourse with him, remarks:-" His manners, which were greatly improved, if not formed, by a constant intercourse, not only with the best society in the pro-
* Conversations of the author with Colonel Burr. The Colonel was anxious that this letter front his daughter should be found among his papers; but Mr. Davis, his biographer, after diligent search, has not discovered it-nor has he been able to find the correspondence between Brant and Colonel Burr. By the papers of Captain Brant, it appears that Miss Burr visited him at Grand River, after she became Mrs. Alston, in company with her husband. Seeing that when the Chief saw her in New-York " she was very young, and had since assumed a new name," Governor George Clinton gave the young married couple a cordial letter of introduction to the Chief.
VOL. II. 30 .

vince, hut also in England-which he visited more than once, and was there received and caressed in the families of the nobility and gentry-were remarkably easy and dignified. When among strangers; or in mixed company, he was reserved and taciturn; but extremely affable and communicative when with friends in -whom he could confide. Although not particularly distinguished as a public speaker, he was a man of strong mind; possessed a voice of surpassing softness and melody, a fascinating address, and great colloquial powers, which rendered him a most interesting companion. He lived in the style of a gentleman, and was punctilious in the observance of the rules of honor and etiquette practised among individuals " of that caste in their social relations."*

From New-York, the Chief made a trip through Connecticut and into Massachusetts, in the course of which he was well received, as appears from his own letter. At Northampton he purchased an elegant horse, which, greatly to his regret, sickened and died in Albany.+

It was during this visit in Albany, that he was again exposed to some danger, by threats against his life. The sufferers of the Mohawk Valley had neither forgotten nor forgiven the ravagers of their country in the Revolutionary war; and " the monster Brant" was still held responsible for every act, either of barbarity, or of death, or devastation, by the wonted usages of war. The Mohawk Germans of that day were neither educated nor discriminating; and knowing that Brant was the great leader of the Indians, they attributed every torch that had been applied, and every butchery committed, to his own single hand. Hence, as has been stated before, it was notoriously the purpose of many in the valley to take his life if possible, during some of his transits through that country. And it is not unlikely that some persons from the valley might have been watching for an opportunity to accomplish the purpose in Albany, as had been designed by a Mohawk German in New-York, during his visit in 1792.
* Letter to the author, from General Peter. B. Porter.
+ My venerable friend Douw Fonda, now of Albany, says Brant was an excellent horseman, and remarkably fond of fine horses. After the death of his Northampton horse he purchased another in Albany, to pay for which Mr. Fonda loaned him the money. The note for the amount was promptly met at maturity.-Author.

Added to these unpleasant designs, was an incident coming somewhat nearer to the point of action, which is worth recording as an illustration both of history and character. In the account of the ravaging of Cherry Valley, the reader will doubtless recollect the massacre of the entire family of Mr. Wells, with the exception of John, then a lad at school in Schenectady. But that lad was now a member of the bar, of high spirit and uncommon promise. The tragedy by which his whole family had been cut off, had imparted a shade of melancholy to his character, deepening with the lapse of time, and descending with him to the grave. Nineteen years had elapsed since it was enacted ; but there was a feeling in the breast of young Wells, which only wanted awakening by opportunity, to prompt a strong desire of avenging the foul murders. He happened to be in Albany during the visit of the Chief, and erroneously looking upon him as the author of the murders, his feelings by proximity became exceedingly bitter and exasperated. Indeed, he could not restrain his desire of revenge; and hastening to the tavern at which Brant had put up, he inquired furiously where he should find his enemy--declaring that he would slay him on the spot. Of course his friends remonstrated, and otherwise opposed his purpose; but it was not without difficulty that he was persuaded to forego it. Brant, hearing the disturbance, asked what caused it; and was told that a young man, whose father had perished at Cherry Valley, was below, and threatening to take his life. His answer was brief, and given with a remarkably fine assumption of dignity and composure. Not a feature changed-not a muscle of his countenance was seen to move-but, slightly drawing himself up as he sat, and his eyes glittering for an instant more keenly, even than was their wont, he said, calmly and quietly, " Let him come on;" and nothing more escaped him on" the subject, until word was brought that Mr. Wells had left the house.*

It was in consequence of these unpleasant indications that Governor Jay directed a guard to accompany him through the Mohawk Valley on his return to Upper Canada. But, notwithstanding these drawbacks to the pleasure of his visit in Albany, there were circumstances and incidents contributing to render
* The particulars of this incident have been derived from William Inman, Esq. now of Leyden, N. Y. who was at the hotel at the time of its occurrence.

it otherwise than disagreeable on the whole. He was hospitably received and entertained by some of the most respectable citizens; and during that and a subsequent visit, made to Albany in 1805 or 1806, had opportunities of meeting at the festive board some of the veteran officers of the American army, whom he had met in the field, or rather in the forest fights of the frontiers; on which occasions, with the best feelings possible, the old soldiers " fought their battles o'er again," as old soldiers are wont to do. Dining with General Gansevoort, the hero of Fort Stanwix, their conversation turned upon the memorable campaign of Sullivan, and the march of Gansevoort with his regiment at the close of that campaign, through the wilderness from Seneca Lake to Fort Schuyler. Although Gansevoort had no idea that Brant was nearer to him than Niagara, Brant assured him that he was hovering about him during the whole march; and was so near that, to use his own words, " I roasted my venison by the fires that you left."*

He also met, on one of these occasions, with the late General Philip Van Courtlandt, who had served in the New-York line, and who was one of the. expedition of Sullivan and Clinton to Chemung, and thence into the Seneca country. "While conversing upon the subject of the battle at Newtown, Brant inquired- "General, while you were standing by a large tree during that battle, how near to your head did a bullet come, which struck & little above you ?" The General paused for a moment, and replied-" about two inches above my hat." The Chief then related the circumstances. " I had remarked your activity in the battle," said he, " and calling one of my best marksmen, pointed you out, and directed him to bring you down. He fired, and I saw you dodge your head at the instant I supposed the ball would strike. But as you did not fall, I told my warrior that he had just missed you, and lodged the ball in the tree."

Another incident may be introduced in this connexion, illustrative at once of his sagacity, his strong sense of justice, and his promptness of decision and execution. Among the border settlers west of the Hudson, opposite the Manor of Livingston, was an opulent farmer named Rose. He was an Irishman: and having no child to inherit his wealth, had sent to the Emer-
* Conversations of the author with Gen. Peter Gansevoort, of Albany, who
was present at the dinner, though a lad at the time.

ald Isle for a nephew, whom he had adopted. In one of Brant's hostile incursions upon the settlements, during the war of the Revolution, Rose and his nephew, with others, were taken prisoners, and marched in the direction of Niagara. During the journey, Brant took Rose aside one morning, and admonished him not to move far away from himself (Brant,) but at all times on their march to keep within call. " I have reason to believe," said the Chief, " that that nephew of your's is plotting your " death. He is endeavoring to bribe one of my Indians to kill " you. I shall keep an eye upon them; and if I find my suspi" cions true, I will execute him on the spot." The caution was observed by Rose, and no long time elapsed before Brant informed him that his suspicions were well-founded. The nephew, for the purpose of an earlier possession of his confiding uncle's estate, had agreed upon the price of his murder with the savage who was to do the deed. Having full evidence of the fact, the stern purpose of the Chief was executed upon the ingrate by his own hand, and the life of the uncle was saved.*

His notions on the subject of public wars were founded, however, upon those of a savage. The reader has already seen that he was perfectly aware of the detestation in which his name was held in different parts of the United States, and particularly among the inhabitants of the Mohawk and Susquehannah countries, where some of the most revolting scenes of savage, Tory, and Indian barbarity were perpetrated during the war of the Revolution, in which he bore so prominent a part; and he always seemed particularly anxious to justify, by frank and gratuitous explanations to those who received him as friends-for he was too proud to make explanations to his enemies-the course he had taken in the commencement and conduct of that war; and his plausible statements and reasonings were well calculated to lessen the horror and execration with which the public have been too prone to regard the Indian character, in consequence of their atrocities in war.

The Indians, he said, engaged in that contest reluctantly, butfrom necessity. At the period of its commencement, the Americans, he said, as well as they, acknowledged the authority ofthe British government, and were living under its protection;
* Conversations of the author with General Morgan Lewis, of whose family connexions Rose had purchased his land.

that none of the inducements which led the colonies to revolt had any place with them, and that they fought against the colonies to protect their women and children; and to preserve the lands which God had given to them, and of which the British authorities threatened to deprive them unless they would join in their defence ; and it is apprehended that stronger or better reasons for going to War will rarely be found, even among civilized nations.

In justification of the savages' practices of Indian warfare, his course of reasoning was somewhat like the following: That the object of each party, when engaged in war, was to destroy his enemy, or to weaken and intimidate him so much as to force him into a reasonable peace. The Indians, he said, were destitute of many of the means and implements of war which the white people possessed. They could not successfully contend with them in the open field, man to man, because they had no artillery, so indispensable to, and so destructive in a field fight. Besides, if they could, the Indians being generally inferior in numerical force to their white enemies, would soon be subdued by an equal sacrifice of man for man ; that the Indians had no forts to resort to for protection after a discomfiture in the field ; no battering trains to dislodge the enemy after they had retired to theirs; and no depots or jails for securing the prisoners they might capture. The simple and necessary principle, therefore, of Indian warfare, was extermination-to destroy as many of the enemy, and save as many of themselves, as practicable ; and for this purpose, to resort to ambuscades, stratagems, and every species of deception, direct or indirect, to effect their object. Brant justified taking the lives of prisoners, but disapproved the practice, so common among savages, of torturing them; and he always maintained that he had himself at different times, by great efforts, saved several, not only- from torture, but death. As to taking life, he thought (and with some truth,) that in this respect there was but little practical difference between the red and white men ; for the death of an Indian prisoner was as certain a consequence of his capture, as that of a white man taken by the Indians.*
* Conversations of Brant with General Peter B. Porter.
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