Three Rivers
Hudson~Mohawk~Schoharie
History From America's Most Famous Valleys

The Orderly Book of Sir John Johnson
During the Oriskany Campaign
1776-1777
Annotated by Wm. L. Stone
With an Historical Introduction illustrating the Life of Johnson by J. Watts De Peyster, and Some Tracings from the Foot-Prints of the Tories, or Loyalists in America by T. R. Myers.
Albany
Joel Munsell, 1882

THE TORIES OR LOYALISTS
IN AMERICA;
BEING SOME TRACINGS FROM THE
FOOTPRINTS OF
SIR JOHN JOHNSON AND HIS COTEMPORARIES
IN THE REVOLUTION.
CONTRIBUTED BY THEODORUS BAILEY MYERS.
Ab fas aut ab nefas."

THE accompanying waifs, possessing in themselves as little intrinsic interest as continuity, are a few random footprints of Sir John Johnson's life of exile, spared by the tides of a century which have effaced many of his once deeper impressions on American affairs. They casually fell into the writer's historical collection, mingled with other imported manuscripts, proving at least, that some antiquarian in the old world had considered them worthy of preservation.

The knowledge that amongst such fragments have been found the key to valuable facts, and the elucidation of past events obscured by time, has, as we know, caused a growing interest in the preservation in public or private collections or in print, of anything of a public character, produced by the brain and hands of men who made some mark on their time before passing away.

What seems of little value to one, may become of interest to another, and we know that there are few things existing which have not a place when the problem of supply and demand is solved. Even a rock which has long cumbered the ground becomes valuable when broken up and concreted into a wall.

Although these papers referred to throw very little, and that a later light upon the unfortunate career of Sir John Johnson, which will be found more fully considered by experienced hands in the preceding pages, they have a value as a means of presenting incidentally, such letters of his cotemporaries as space permits, connected with events in which he participated. In themselves they contain little of historical interest and treat more of counting of the cost of war than of its more interesting details.

Some investigator of facts may find in them a suggestion, or possibly a warning, against the repetition of such unremunerative outlay, attending the more valuable loss of blood. To another, they may seem no more instructive, than the brick which the fool in the fable carried with him in his travels, as an illustration of the house in which he lived.

The knowledge that Mr. Stone, who has already supplemented his father's valuable service in furnishing interesting details of struggles between the colonists of France and England, and those of the Revolution on that debatable ground, the northern frontier, in which the romantic Valley of the Mohawk was often a base of British operations,(1) was occupied in connection with General de Peyster (an enthusiastic student and commentator on many of the military events of both continents), in preparing a brochure intended to illustrate the military career of Sir John Johnson, and aiming in a biographical sketch, to remove some of the unanswered obloquy which was piled upon him as the exiled adherent of a lost and unpopular cause,(2)

(1) The Life of Sir William Johnson and The Campaigns of General Burgoyne.
(2) As an illustration of the then widely prevailing sentiment, the citizens of Worcester, Mass., voted May 19, 1783, " That in the opinion of this town, it would be truly dangerous to the peace, happiness, liberty and safety of these States, to suffer those

with an Orderly Book as a basis, has induced the contribution of these fragments as an annex to their work.

These prefatory notes are added at Mr. Stone's suggestion.

The task of Gen. de Peyster would seem to any unbiased reader to be a natural one to a collateral descendant thus qualified, and infinitely more practicable since our own experiences in the great Civil War.

In the division of section, family and friends which it induced, in the bitterness of the feeling and vehement denunciation of motive and action it called forth, were reproduced those of the Revolution of 1776, only upon a grander scale. Then men weighed their duties and responsibilities, and the relative claims of the flag under which they were born, or those of the States in which they were located, and compared the grievances which had caused the separation from Great Britain with those claimed to have succeeded under that subsequent Union of the States. In recalling the terms of ridicule and reproach engendered by hatred, exchanged between the defenders of that Union and the Confederates, and the little credit given by either

who, the moment the bloody banners were displayed, abandoned their native land, turned parricides, and conspired to involve their country in tumult, ruin and blood, to become the subjects of and reside in this government, that it would be not only dangerous, but inconsistent with justice, policy, our past laws, the public faith, and the principles of a free and independent state, to admit them ourselves, or to have them forced upon us without our consent." * * * * "That until the further order of the government, they (the committees of Correspondence, Inspection and Safety) will, with decision, spirit, and firmness, endeavor to enforce and carry into execution the several laws of this Commonwealth, respecting these enemies of our rights, and the rights of mankind, give information, should they know of any obtruding themselves into any part of this State, suffer none to remain in this town, but cause to be confined immediately, for the purpose of transportation according to law, any that may presume to enter it." These were the general terms meted out to the Tories, recorded in the "Journal and Letters of Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty," a "Harvard Man" of 1735, and in his time a valued citizen. Although not an active partisan he passed into exile through his scruples in 1775, but as an exceptional case was allowed to return, in the ensuing year, to live and die at his old home in Salem, in 1802.

to the sense of duty which actuated their opponents, we can understand, now that temporary feeling is rapidly passing away, that in the earlier struggle there clearly frequently existed as honest and as opposite convictions of right. Surely the time has arrived when we can discuss without temper, the motives, and appreciate the loyalty to their government, the sacrifice of life and property, and the sufferings by confiscation and exile of that valuable material for continued citizenship - numbering at least twenty thousand of the inhabitants of a sparsely settled and devastated country - then transferred as Refugees into Nova Scotia and Canada(3) to form

(3) The following paper endorsed "160, Proposals for a General Naturalization Bill," from the contents and the appearance of the carefully written manuscript, and of the observations which follow it, was evidently submitted to Parliament soon after the Peace- it is considered worthy of a place, as showing the value attached by the British Government to her exiled adherents, and her desire to retain them in her remaining Colonies, as to her a tried element of population. It will be observed that while providing for all classes of Tories, it ingeniously invites the "Rebels," whom it assumes to be already dissatisfied with their new experiment, to join them.

"THE INHABITANTS of THE UNITED STATES who took part with the British Government by remaining or by continuing within the Lines during the War in America, and who have since removed into any part of the British Dominions having never done anything to forfeit their original rights and privileges as British Subjects, are in that respect, in the same situation as at first, and have no want of any act of Parliament on that account. Some of the Americans who did not remove within the Lines, have continued obstinately Non-jurors to the United States to this day. These men during the War suffered much in their property by the payment of double Taxes, and underwent many personal inconveniences, and even insults, and though their situation may be rendered somewhat more Tolerable by the Peace, yet it must be sufficiently disagreeable to induce them to change it, and to remove within the British Dominions, as soon as they conveniently can do it. In what light are they to be regarded, on their arrival in Nova Scotia, or Canada, or elsewhere in the British Dominion? Are they still British Subjects, or must they be at the expense of soliciting Acts of Naturalization? They were originally Natural Born Subjects, they took the Oath of Allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain, and they have never taken any other Oath of Allegiance, how then can they consistently with common reason and equity be regarded as Aliens, and on their arrival in the British Dominions, to claim privileges which are their birthright, and which they have never forfeited by any Act of Theirs, be put to the expense of being naturalized? Are they not rather to be treated as subjects returning from a foreign country, in which adverse Circumstances have detained them, contrary to their Inclinations and

the best elements of population in a country in which they declared on their sad departure, they expected to endure "nine months of winter and three of cold weather in each year."

When the subsequent war of 1812 was carried to, and across the Canadian frontier, our soldiers found in this rejected material their most determined opponents. They naturally had little in common with those, once their countrymen, but then only geographically their neighbors, still politically their foes, and the

Wishes? There are in the United States, men of a different description, who collectively form a numerous Body, men who from the first uniformly refused to take any active part against the British Government, who for some time refused to take the Oath of Allegiance to the United States, but were by the force of Vexations, personal insult, and menances, finally brought to submit to preserve their estates from confiscation, and themselves and families from suffering the last extremities of Want and Misery. Those men, from their coming in so late, and by compulsion, to acknowledge the Supremacy of the United States, did not regain either the Friendship or Confidence of their Countrymen, they simply brought their persons and property within the protection of the Law, and even that was in some instances at least, but nominally such. These men, whose political principles have not been changed, wish to remove, if it could be done on any Valuable Terms. But they must think it a hard case to be considered as Aliens, and be obliged to sue for Acts of Naturalization, at a great and ruinous expense and Loss of Time, and to pray and pay dearly to be declared, what they are conscious in their Hearts, that they have ever been, British Subjects. The last and most numerous Class, and who have neither Law or Equity to urge, but good policy only, are Merchants, the middle and lower Orders of Farmers, Shipwrights, Fishermen and Sailors. That is, those of them who voluntarily, and without any Force or compulsion, took an early and active part in favor of the Revolution, who at the Time judging from appearances and representations made to them, of Absolute Subjection and Slavery on the one hand, and the prospect of Liberty, an exemption from Taxes, and unbounded and unrestrained Commerce on the other, were naturally led, and as it were necessarily impelled, by the Motives and Objects before them, to take the part which they then took, but who on reflection and experience perceive their Error, find all those favorable prospects vanished, and in their place Factions and Licentiousness predominant, their persons or Estates loaded with intolerable Taxes, and their Commerce, more circumscribed and burthened than ever, they are solicitous to regain their former political situation, by removing within the British Dominions, and returning to their Ancient and hereditary Allegiance, if they can be received, and admitted to the same privileges, as others of their rank and orders in Life, are entitled to. With regard to the first, that is, the Loyalists already removed, there can be no question. For the two next, the actual non-jurors who are as such to this day, and those who by Violence and Menances, were forced to take Oath of Allegiance to the New Government, much may be urged in their favor, both in Law and Equity. As to the readmission of the latter, by much the most numerous Body, and rapidly increasing, political considerations and motives alone can be urged, and those if all the circumstamces

occupants of their forfeited homes. Compare this adjustment in 1783 with the more wise policy of our government in the late struggle, where, after the suppression of armed resistance, the citizens were soon restored to civil rights, and their property- not lost by military results, and the attendant reduction of values - and were reunited in a common administration of public affairs.

History written in the progress or at the termination of a war, is usually formed like the government by the victorious

are understood, and the consequences fully examined into, will prove as forcible as anything that can be urged for the former. It is therefore proposed that a General Declaratory Act should be passed, putting the situation of all those who have already removed from the United States, and Settled in any part of the British Dominions, beyond any future question or doubt, declaring that all who were formerly British Subjects in any part of the United States or born of Parents who were British Subjects in those States, previous to the late Treaty of Peace, shall on their removal into any part of the British Dominions in America, either on the Continent, or in the West India Islands, and on taking and subscribing the Oath and declaration which shall be acquired by them, shall be admitted to all the rights and privileges of free and natural born subjects of Great Britain, provided that their removal, and taking the Oath be within four years from the passing such Act, provided also that they bring certificates of their having been formerly British Subjects, in the United States when Colonies, or the Children of such Subjects. The oaths to be administered by Magistrates named for that purpose, and recorded in the public Records of the province or Colony where the same shall be taken.

1st Observation. There will be no objection to that part of such an Act, as refers to the Declared, and actually removed Loyalist.

2d Observation. In regard to the two second, no material exception can be taken to persons continuing. Non-jurors are Loyalists, not yet removed within the British Dominion, their not removing on the evacuation of New York is no Objection, as too many were then under an absolute and pressing necessity to remove, so that their remaining became a favor to those who did remove, and those forced to submit to the Oath imposed upon them, are to be considered as being nearly in the same predicament.

But 3dly, if these are admitted, it is hardly possible to prevent the last description from coming in under their Character, not inconsistent with that of a Merchant, a Farmer, a Shipwright, a Fisherman, or a Sailor, these orders of men are immediately wanted, and in Great Numbers, in Nova Scotia and Canada, and as those orders of men find themselves pressed by taxes in the United States and their Commerce restricted as Aliens and Foreigners by this and other Nations, and burthened with duties and imports by their own Government they will naturally incline to remove and such an encouragement may probably render Nova Scotia and Canada populous, and rich in a very few years.

sentiment. Vae victis! It is left to posterity in most cases to do justice to the unfortunate.

In Painting and Cartography, truth to nature, and accuracy, are indispensible to value. We continue our appreciation of Old Masters, and admire and even yet sail by the carefully based and grandly executed Charts of the earlier centuries, while we also accept the new school of Art, as well as the improved Maps which several nations, notably including our own vie in perfecting,(4) Why should not History, which records, the action of what is held as nature's noblest work, be ranked as a kindred art? While it would be the act of a vandal to alter an old masterpiece, it may be the duty of an humble painter to restore it, and the right of all Artists to seek to improve upon it.

No careful cross reader has failed to detect palpable errors in history, possibly injected in hasty compilation, from ill founded rumor, misconception, or partisan zeal, perhaps allowed to remain until too late for available cotemporaneous correction, by the indifference, or individuality, of even a worthy actor. It would seem as though in all ages, men, while naturally desiring to be recorded as famous in public affairs, or in the field, have permitted the notable achievements of their assistants to be condensed in their own. Often the resort to Official Records has corrected hasty narrative and changed

(4)An examination of the progress of this science in essential details, although artistic embellishment is less used than formerly, would appear interesting to every one connected with some portion of the surface delineated.

The American "Geographical Society," only a few years since still a problematical undertaking, now grown into a widely appreciated and amply sustained fact; has largely through the unremitting attention of its President, Chief Justice Daly, collected in its Map-room one of the most complete series ever formed by a technical institution, affording an opportunity to those who would appreciate Cartography to examine its claim to be recognized as high Art.

the complexion of what has long been accepted as facts. Such investigations even centuries after, when applied to the history of our late war, or that we are now making, will doubtless prove the shears of Nemesis and continue to clip off a surplus fringe of long seated error.

To aid in such researches and to make its illustration more complete. Old letters, Documents and Diaries(5) of public interest have each a use. Letters we oftenest rely upon for cotemporary testimony. Diaries kept for personal reference or amusement, even when meagre in detail, but written without the intention of publication, of of influencing the views of others, and so possessing the value of disinterested testimony at the period as to events, persons and dates, have furnished valuable acquisitions to printed history for the reason that they were records of personal impression only and reserved until excitement had passed away. The Orderly Books or Diaries of regiments, have also afforded interesting details of service, against accepted error or conflicting testimony, fixing dates, positions, the number and description of a force, and the compass of its movements, and when annotated by a skillful hand

(5) The "History of New York, in the Revolutionary War," by the able but cynical Judge Thomas Jones-published through the liberality of one of his relatives, Mr. John D. Jones, and ably edited by another, Mr. Edward Floyd de Lancey, under the auspices of the New York Historical Society in 1879, with copious notes and references, is a rich mine to which any person interested in this subject, may profitably turn from this merely suggestive commentary. The fierce impartiality with which he criticizes Whig and Tory, soldier and civilian, induces additional credence to the many curious facts he recorded in exile, of men and events with which he was familiar. A letter from General Huntington to his son, while occupying his fine town house, east of the City Hall,- in that collection-expresses gratitude to him for planting the fruit he was enjoying at his quarters, and its fine view of the harbor. His country estate at Fort Neck, is preserved in the family by an entail that prevented confiscation. This, even with the letter books of Governor Cadwallader Colden, published by that Society, cross read with Judge William Smith's "History of the Province of New York," would in themselves afford an opening for a research similar to that of Carlyle, for the truthful inwardness of affairs at that period, in the city.

and published, have furnished the clew to much information otherwise lost from the woof of history.

Those who have found entertainment in delving into the controversial folios of partisan writers, full of what appeared to them to be truths, have realized how easily, and honestly, men may differ.

In England in the varied changes in the control of a divided people, by Charles I, or by the Parliament, the Commonwealth or the Restoration, those of each in turn had the opportunity of disseminating such convictions, to approving readers, and for posterity to consider and compare. As an example of their, utility, it was amongst such discordant narrations-much of which he styled "Shot Rubbish"-that Carlyle, and others, have searched analogically for facts, and it was from such neglected authorities that he derived many of the conclusions, which give color to his illustration of the "Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell," probably destined to survive those crude "Reminiscences " of his own career, which have recently disappointed his appreciators. The peculiarities of his inverted expression, and thought provoking style, once comprehended, the result of those researches appears to present to the reader, even in a concentrated form, the man, his impulses, and surroundings, often overlooked before in the consideration of the narrative of his remarkable career.

From the mass of such conflicting testimony, has also been in part exhumed at different periods, the material from which such accepted writers as Hume, Smollett, Gibbon, Robertson, Macauley, Alison, Mahon, and many others less broadly known, have erected with the increasing impartiality attending later investigation, Monuments to their country, creditable to the workmen. Each, in his way has apparently sought to form safe resting places for conviction, by substituting what, after careful inspection, appeared to possess the solidity of fact, for what the impulse of the hour had concreted, but time, and closer investigation, pronounced unreliable.

Some of such investigators, have been impressed with certain coincidences between that Great English Revolution, and our own of 1776.

Arising, in each case amongst the same race, firm in conviction and resolute in assertion, inspired by similar complaints of oppression and sense of right, resulting alike in divided sentiment as to the proper extent of Prerogative, and the remedy against its encroachments, involving at first, heated discussion in public assemblies, filling the minds of many well meaning citizens with doubt as to a course rendered difficult to fix upon by conflicting ties or interests, and finally precipitating in one case the Mother Country and in the other her Colonies, into the horrors of Civil War, seeming in many particulars to be but the renewal of a suspended conflict.

By the result of both of these domestic struggles many who had in former peaceful times been held as valuable citizens, were impoverished and driven into exile (6)--in the former from the

(6)The following is a letter from John Cruger, Esq., Mayor of New York from 1739 to 1744, and from 1757 to 1766, and Speaker of the Assembly of 1775. He was then a prisoner on parole at the residence of his brother-in law Peter Van Schaack, the celebrated lawyer, whose wife soon after died from want of proper medical treatment in New York, access to which the regulations of war precluded,
KINDERHOOK, April 12, 1778.

SIR;
I have Rec'd your favor & am Extremely Sorry that any Impediment has arisen in the Way of my going to New York. When I Recd Genl Gates' permission Upon Condition of my Engaging to fulfil the Exchange he proposed, I wrote him I did not chuse to go Upon a condition which it might be out of my

varied successes, drawn from both of the contending factions- affording opportunity to each in turn, to develop the smaller characteristics of nature, in the uses of success as an opportunity for the harsh assertion of authority, in resorting to confiscation, exile and individual suffering, in the changes of property as well as of place.

Now, if we can judge from history and observation, both Cavalier and Roundhead are looked back upon by their descendants and their successors with equal respect, and their actions as the result of conviction, with a common pride. The impressions of the past have been more readily forgotten, in the activity of the present by a large portion of a people, attached like our own to a government which has developed, in the experience of past strife the elasticity of its institutions, and of a progressive energy in rebounding after a strain, to even a Stronger tension.

One element of its population, many of the people of Ireland, from circumstances yet adhere to their old prejudices, and still recall Cromwell's severity in his invasion, and

power to perform. Upon which he wrote me as your Excellency Will Recollect from his Letter, that he looked to Sir Henry Clinton for the performance of Any Engagement I should make, and I have reason to think from What I then and have since heard that this matter was settled between these two Generals. Could I have foreseen that it was Possible that this would have been prevented taking place, I Should I am sure have had no difficulty in Getting the Genls passport Upon which several have gone down, Even after he quitted Albany, Altho I cannot it Seems be so fortunate. Perhaps upon Considering this matter, Your Excellency will be of opinion that Sir Henry Clinton will perform what Genl Gates Relied Upon him for, however diffident your Excellency may be of Genl Jones Who is I believe an Inferior Officer to Sir Henry Clinton. Especially as I shall then go down Upon the Confidence between him and Genl Gates & not upon any promise of Genl Jones. If your Excellency still entertain doubts, I will be content to go down with one Servant only (Leaving my family and Effects,) upon Parole to return if an Exchange cannot be Effected. I sincerely Request of Your Excellency, so far as you consistently can, to take my situation into Consideration, and I hope when you Reflect on ye age and Infirmity of my sister and Self, & the great Inconveniency which we Labour Under here, You Will Readily fall upon some Means to Extricate Us Out of our Difficultys

King William's success at the Battle of the Boyne, with equal bitterness. They bad never cheerfully transferred their adhesion from the house of Stewart to either the Prince of Orange or that of Hanover. Many of them, including those of the best element had been driven by that war and its results, into France and other countries, often to become from choice soldiers, in many cases still represented by their descendants, with the same courage which turned the current of the fight at Fontenoy, and made the command of the regiment Dillon, long hereditary. Others came to America, replacing the departed loyalists, soon exceeding them in numbers, and rapidly increasing as we know, until in many sections they form a very large element of population. Their hereditary prejudices and their natural tendency to politics, perhaps inspired by the consideration of their grievances, the apparent error of the government in not fostering their manufacturies, industries and universal education, have perhaps united to produce for generations political agitations and

Which I shall be happy to Retaliate by Every means in my power, to procure the Enlargement of any family, which may be desirous of moving out of New York.
I have the honour to be With great Esteem
Yr Ex. Most Obed &
Very humb. Servt
His Ex. Gov. Clinton. JOHN CRUGER.
GOVERNOR CLINTON'S ANSWER.
POUGHKEEPSIE, April 19, 1778.
SIR:
I have received your letter of the l2th Instant & in Answer thereto, am reduced to the necessity of Informing you that I cannot consent to your going to New York in any other way than that of exchange. The conduct of Messrs. Wallace, Sherbrooke & several others who were indulged to go in on Parole & to return, or send out some citizens, in exchange, has rendered the like Indulgence to others altogether improper. At any rate the intercourse between the Country & City will be totally prohibited for some Weeks to come as the Commanding Officer, were I ever so willing, will not suffer any Persons to pass the Posts below. I shall be always ready Sir to grant you every Indulgence consistent with the Duty of my Office.
I am Sir Your Most Obedt. Servt,
John Cruger, Esq. (GEORGE CLINTON..)

misunderstandings at home, and probably induced an immense emigration, who by becoming citizens, necessarily separate themselves politically from their country and have in the seaboard cities especially, largely acquired that control of which they were deprived in their old home, centuries ago.

It is a singular paradox, attending the gigantic prosperity of the country, that while one large class of citizens neglect, in the excitement of business occupations, even the ordinary duty of electors, another often abandon the opportunities for solid prosperity and wealth, attracted by the glitter of authority and perhaps ephemeral salary, and in seeking office devote their lives to "politics," and their advancement to the control of its dispensers.

While the majority of the people of Great Britain accepted the House of Hanover cheerfully, if coldly, they took no interest in the complications of the first two sovereigns, in protecting their birthplace and Principality on the continent. Its position involved them in the "Seven Years' War"-without eventual advantage, and imposed upon them a heavy indebtedness, partially to meet which, in the reign of George III, the attempted taxation of his American colonies, also its seat, was resorted to, which afforded them their opportunity.

The history prepared, by a conquered enemy is generally little accepted by the victor, beyond its use in illustrating some Strategic detail. Its statements of any motives, or of rights invaded, or injustice done, would be as indifferently received as the argument of a case after the jury had retired - a barren effort which is believed to have at times affected intellects. That of the English writers, as to the Revolutionary war has rarely been generally accepted or studied, in search for even minor particulars, by those satisfied with results. In our own histories, while doing justice to the general details of the origin and progress of the conflict, little attention was naturally given to personal conviction, or to apparent necessity, as influencing the action of any ally of the enemy, while resisting the success of a struggle for Independence. Tory and Hessian, have been rated with the Indian, and all considered the worst elements of a bad cause, best remembered as the perpetrators of those ravages of war, impressed more strongly, by tradition and early history, upon the communities where they occur, than any nobler action, and therefore more likely to survive. That they soon departed, leaving neither apologist nor vindicator, seems to afford a sufficient reason for some just consideration of their then position, a century later.

We have realized some "modern instances" since, where prejudice has unduly obscured, or partiality unreasonably brightened, the records of the wrestlers in a world of action.

The annexation of Texas - a Republic then recently carved out of the territory of a friendly power, while it slumbered-may be recalled by some as having presented a question of such then apparently vast importance, as to have seemed for a time to shake the foundation of our own government. Strict constructionists of law, and those watchful of the integrity of our avowed national policy, entered into vehement protest against an act for which they could discover no authority, and its inevitable result, in a war with a weaker power, to acquire by force a territory, then looked upon without coveting it, by a large portion of the people. The debates in Congress on the subject, will survive as long as the government they affected by their results, as characterized by marked ability and vehemence, for there were surely many statesmen in Congress at that period. When the war was precipitated, all differences were speedily buried and the Maxim "Our Country Right or Wrong," silenced dissent or opposition and carried brave men of both factions in concert to the field.? Many Americans residing in Mexican Territory, under such protection as it could afford to their property, naturally placed themselves under their national colors. We can conceive that if the Mexican forces had then been able to invade the United States, the action of her citizens residing within their borders and enjoying their protection would have been a subject for jealous scrutiny! Their duty to the flag under which they were born, unless abandoned by a new allegiance, could not be questioned, while its exercise against the government that had protected them would have been considered as an act of aggravated hostility.

In our Civil War the manhood of the country of an available age largely buried political dissensions, and when the question was narrowed to that of the supremacy of the flag, hastened to the front. When such voluntary material for its maintenance seemed exhausted, the additional inducement of large bounties was added to the customary pay to stimulate patriotism, or compensate for the time diverted from personal enterprise. It was then noticed that the representation of

(7) The anxiety to obtain service in this war, and the enthusiasm which attended its progress, when once precipitated must: be recalled by many. More troops were offered than could be used, and tile Southern and Southwestern States, more sectionally interested in the acquisition of new territory, continually pressed the offer of additional regiments. Those of New York, which succeeded in obtaining orders, did good service in Mexico and California, while others offered could find no place. The contributor recalls how, although opposed to the annexation from surrounding association, and scarcely qualified by age as an elector, happening to be, for the second time, aid de camp to a notable Governor of the old school, and thus a Colonel on the Peace Establishment, inspired by the sentiment of the moment, he committed that operation so painful to all soldiers, actual or implied, waived his rank and raised a company, in a regiment which was so denied the privilege of fame or the possibility of failure. The effort was an effect of the electricity with which all were charged, impressing even a titular soldier with the value of his sword, rather than of his rank.

other nationalities in our ranks was largely increased. In the rising of a government in its force to preserve its existence, the way was necessarily subordinated to the means, and all were acceptable. Even the Chinese, valueless as an elector, would have been welcome in the hour of danger, to fight for a nationality open to all others, as the home of liberty. It was noticeable also, that when hostilities finally ensued, many who had long excited by their persistent eloquence the people of both sections to seek for, to cherish, if not to magnify differences, until a perhaps inevitable conflict was precipitated, did not I crowd into the ranks, or if in Congress, all follow the example of that gallant Senator, Edward D. Baker, a proto-martyr of that body in the conflict, who falling at the head of his regiment at Balls Bluff, while practically advancing his plea for the Union, made a more lasting impression than words addressed to applauding galleries, by men of either section fired by zeal, who failed to afterwards emphasize the depth of their convictions, by service in the field.

Those who did this followed an old precedent, established by members of both houses of Parliament in the English Civil War, where, as an example, Lucius Cary,, Viscount Falkland(8),

(8) Clarendon in his "History of the Great Rebellion" thus records the virtues of one who might have been an agreeable and instructive associate, " he was a person of such prodigious parts of learning and knowledge, and of that inimitable sweetness and delight in conversation, and of so flowing and obliging a humanity and goodness to mankind, and of that primitive simplicity and integrity of life, that if there were no other brand upon the odious and accursed Civil War than that single loss, it must be most infamous to all posterity." He was deeply depressed by the compass which he foresaw in the conflict, frequently cried to himself " Peace, Peace," and doubting its speedy coming, having accompanied the King at Edgehill, Oxford and Gloucester, being his Secretary of State, he threw himself as a volunteer into the front rank of Lord Byron'a regiment, at the battle of Newberry, and was killed by a musket ball.

"Thus Falkland died the generous and the just," at least another martyr to honest convictions.

a conscientious patriot, and one of the first to rise in Parliament in opposition to grievances, was also one of the earliest to voluntarily die in defence of his sovereign, when he considered that the claims for redress were pressed too tar. Many members of our Continental Congress also displayed by their service in the field, their conviction that a statesman whether involuntary, hereditary or professional, does not lessen his official dignity, by contact in the ranks even with those who had not sympathized in the discussion, until forced into the conflict by results. Gallant service in both the council and the field would appear to be unanswerable evidences of at least honest convictions.(9) The Trumpeter, in another fable, would appear to have been properly denied immunity, as a noncombatant, for the reason that he incited bloodshed by his noisy brass. It had already

(9) An example of this disinterested appreciation of a double duty, may be cited in Lewis Morris, a Signer of the Declaration of Independence, a member of Congress, grandson of a Colonial Governor of New Jersey, in his turn the son of an English officer of Cromwell's army, who had made America his refuge at the Restoration- the proprietor of a Manor of some thousands of acres called Morrisania, in Westchester, New York, and an honored citizen, who, although like the Johnsons', with much to lose personally, for the prospect of a gain by a change of government, threw his fortunes into an opposite scale. His love to freedom,probably hereditary, early carried him into public life, and with his beautiful home desolated, his family scattered, his thousand of acres of woodland felled and the British ships lying within cannon shot of his mansion, he was, at the time this letter was written, sitting in Congress and commanding a disaffected Brigade, in the southern part of Westchester County, the most disloyal portion of a Tory State. It is taken from the original:

PHILADELPHIA, September 24, 1776.
SIR ;
I had the honor to receive your Letter accompanying the Resolve of Congress relative to my return to resume the command of my Brigade, at a time- when the State to which I belong is invaded, and particularly as I am honored with a military command, 1 esteem it my duty to account for my absence. Since my arrival at Philadelphia, the State of New York has had no more than a representative in Congress, and as the Gentlemen of the Committee of Indian Affairs were mostly out of Town, the whole of that necessary business has been devolved upon me. My family have been obliged to desert their home, and meeting with them in this place,

been discovered, that it was easier to excite than to allay a conflict, and that only the peacemaker was blessed.

There is a middle course, which caution has often suggested to personal interest, in the consideration of all untried enterprises , that of uniting with neither party, while coquetting with, and appearing to entertain, the views of both. From any imputation of such littleness, at least, Johnson and his Tory associates would appear to have been free, as the evidence of their offense was in their undisguised cooperation.

When the French fleet, with Rochambeau's army, was groping its way in search of Newport and towards Yorktown, on the loth of July, 1780, through Martha's Vineyard, and the fogs which yatchsmen so often deplore, an islander boarded the Conquerant, 74-conveying Generals the Baron de Viomenel, Count de Custine, who soon after led the advanced troops to

altogether unprovided, I have been under the necessity of delaying the time of my stay until I could fix them in some situation where they could be accommodated. This distress of my Family on this occasion made it my particular duty to attend to them, and which I natter myself will be justifiable upon every principle of justice. The situation of my Brigade I was convinced was well known to the Convention, I apprehended that not more than a Colonel's command was left in it, and as such did not think my presence was so absolutely necessary. I have thought that the existence of such a Brigade, in which were so many disaffected persons, was dangerous to the cause as well as to my own life. But being desirous to participate in the virtuous opposition to the British Tyrant, I had determined as soon as possible to join Gen. Washington and contribute my assistance to him, prompted in the first instance by a Love of my Country, and in the next place the preservation of my property, being thoroughly convinced that unless we conquer I am ruined, however in obedience to the command of Convention I shall prepare with all possible expedition to set out for Westchester, and will endeavor to execute any orders they may be pleased to give to the utmost of my ability.

I have the honor to subscribe myself, Sir, Your obliged and Obed't Humble Servant, LEWIS MORRIS.

(To the President of the Provincial Congress of New York).

He afterwards returned to service, was a Major General and had, as his fellow officers, three of his sons. Of his own brothers, Staats Long continued in the British service, became a Lieutenant General. Richard was a Judge of Admiralty, and Governor the well esteemed Diplomatist and Congressman.

the Peninsula and performed valuable service there, and many officers and men of those auxilliaries-and who was useful as a pilot bringing valuable information, as to the Americans still holding Rhode Island,(10) "he was a good man"-says the Chief Commissary who was daily bottling up facts for our later refreshment-" and displayed intelligence. He was neither a Royalist, or Insurgent, but a friend of everybody, as he told us with much simplicity." As the arrival of this expected assistance was an occasion for the expression of pleasure, and as the struggle it was coming to aid in terminating had long given opportunity for the formation of an opinion, it seems clear that he was a Loyalist, and yet in a condition to avail himself of the rapidly approaching success, with all the privileges of a patriot.

But courage based upon even erroneous conviction may claim respect. A generous opponent after success in defeating an object which from principle he has opposed, is often the earliest reconciled, and a heart conscious of the duty of loyalty, most open to forgive an honest but mistaken conception.

Thus, in later years, after time for comparison of events and reflection, such appreciation has even extended over the seas to the adherents of the Pretender, who lost their lives and estates in a hopeless effort to restore the unfortunate house of Stuart, to whom their fathers owed allegiance ; when realizing how that history has also in a way repeated itself in our own land, largely colonized by the exiles of both parties in England's civil wars, and how a similar sentiment inspired many good men, mistakenly

(10) Journal of Claude Blanchard, edited by Wm. Duane and Thos. Balch, Albany, 1876.

During the season of 1881, they were said by the Port officials to be more continuous than for sixteen years, and the whole eastern and the northeastern coast resounded with the music of the fog horn, with little visible to the cruisers' eye.

as the result proved, to endeavor to sustain the existing government; and some incidentally to follow or imitate such a leader as Sir John Johnson,in his effort to reclaim his inheritance by the same force that had been used in his eviction. His Scotch, Irish and German tenantry and his Indian allies, whose memory has come down to us as terrible as that of the "Black Douglas " with which babies of the Border were once hushed to sleep, were the same appliances long turned by his predecessor with general approval against the French. The barbarities attending his expedition, if greater than those recorded in all that partisan warfare, may, at this distance of time, be attributed to the bitter sentiment of divided neighborhood and broken friendship, the retaliation of the exile against him who retained or had acquired his home.

In our recent struggle we learned again that many foreign soldiers voluntarily came as has been stated, and accepted service on either side, for glory or for pay, indifferent to the cause; and also that old neighbors were often the fiercest opponents when meeting in strife.

If, in the light of that experience, there was one whose adhesion to the British Government in 1776 appears most readily accounted for, it would seem to be that of Sir John Johnson. His position as an officer in his King's service made it natural to a soldier; the personal honor of knighthood from the King's hand while in London, must have influenced his sympathy, aside from the hereditary sense of gratitude for the great bounties and trust conferred on his father.

That rather dying in 1774 escaped the responsibility which fell upon his son. It is unnecessary to fully recall the career of Sir William Johnson who was probably the most remarkable, if not the most distinguished, character in American colonial history.

His coming as a youth from Ireland into the then wild Mohawk valley as the agent of his uncle. Admiral Sir Peter Warren, whose "great and veteran service" to this State, was rewarded in part with the means to secure an estate of 15,000 acres named "Warren's Bush " and afterwards by the gift from the city of New York of a suburban estate-called Chelsea, and now embedded in its limits-especially for his service in the capture of Louisburg," his succession from a pioneer planter and country store keeper to the control of the Six Nations of Indians, once the most powerful race on the Northern American Continent, who were likened to the Romans from the extent of their invasions from their northern home, west to the Falls of the Ohio, and south to the waters of Carolina.

"The capture of Louisburg, the key to Canada, skillfully fortified by a pupil of Vauhan, garrisoned by regular French troops, and also protected by vessels of war, by 6,000 Provincials, commanded by "Mr. Pepperel a trader of Piscataqua," as colonel of the largest regiment, was a subject of worldwide wonder at the time, and may stilt be considered as one of the great military achievements on this continent. Its conception was due to the indefatigable Governor Shirley.

THE FOLLOWING COMMISSION given by Governor Shirley, when commanding all the Forces in North America, and signed by Lord Stirling, then Mr. Alexander, a young gentleman of fortune, when acquiring as an amateur the military knowledge which he supplemented by his gallantry, at the Battle of Long Island and in other service, shows the formality with which Indians were regularly commissioned, and educated in the warfare then waging against the French, subsequently turned against the Colonists whom they were then protecting. While the use of the Indians was complained of by civilized opponents in both cases, their employment had become habitual.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY, MAJOR GENERAL SHIRLEY, COMMANDER-IN CHIEF OF ALL HIS MAJESTY'S FORCES IN NORTH AMERICA,

To Tawenoe, Greeting:
By Virtue of the Power and Authority to me Granted by His Majesty and reposing especial Trust and Confidence in your Faithfulness, Attachment and Loyalty to His most sacred Majesty, King George the Second. I do appoint you, the said Tawenoe,

They might then become the balance of power between the English and French colonies, and are now, from the loss of such civilizing authority mainly extinct, enjoying in happier hunting grounds, freedom from the inevitable progress of the white man, before which they steadily pass away, making room for advancing cultivation.

Soon, his acquisition of military and civil power, of influence and estate, until he had become a viceroy in authority, with a princely personal domain, showed a rapid appreciation of his new surroundings. His intimate knowledge of the character of the Indians, his justice and wisdom in their control, their devotion to him, and his adaptation to their customs and language, his defence of the French border and his expeditions into their dominions, until dying a Baronet, a Major General, and Superintendent of Indian affairs, are matters that should be familiar to every reader.

His home, "Johnson Hall," was the theater of much romantic incident connected with colonial history, and visited at intervals by most of the distinguished men on the

to be Lieutenant of Indians employed in the present Expedition for removing the French Encroachments at Niagara, and elsewhere on Lake Ontario, and you are faithfully to discharge the Duty of a Lieutenant of the Indians aforesaid.

GIVEN under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at the Camp at Oswego, on Lake Ontario, the first day of September, 1755. W. SHIRLEY.
By His Excellency's Command,
WM. ALEXANDER, Sec'y.

Sir William Pepperel died a baronet, and his successor living to be deprived, his estate also passed into exile. It may be proper to mention, as one of the historical doubts which confuse the reader, that Dr. Dwight has claimed for General Lyman, the second in command, the principal credit for the defeat of Baron Dieskau near Lake George, by Sir William Johnson (Appendix) with the New England, New York and New jersey Provincials, which aided to relieve the alarm created by Gen. Braddock's disaster, with another division of the army. There was great jealousy at this time between the New England and New York Provincial Troops- It was on such evidences of their skill in arms, that the self reliance of the Colonists in the coming struggle was founded.

continent. Their letters addressed to him on various affairs of state, with replies showing condensation of varied intelligence, conveyed in the graceful penmanship of a ready writer, are still preserved - some in the collection referred to-attesting a life of labor in the public service.

In this however, he found opportunity to attend to many personal duties, incident to his position and capacity. Isolated, and only restricted by the orders of the Government, which from better local appreciation of necessities, he alone, as its agent, had ventured to disregard; with an increasing neighborhood of many nationalities, English, Scotch, Irish, German and Hollander, as compatriots or tenantry, appealing to him for counsel in every relation of life, from the cradle to the grave, he advised and protected the living, and was burthened with trusts by the dead,(12) cheerfully fulfilling his duties to the lowly as a bountiful benefactor, and hospitably entertaining them with the great, who resorted to the hall, when amusing their leisure time with hardy sports and athletic games. He appears to have afforded an example to those charged with the control of the destinies of aggregates of men.

(12) The accompanying document appears worthy of reproduction, as a pen sketch affording a glimpse of this early backwoods life. As rough in autographic execution as its surroundings, it chances to place on one paper the names, and to show the meeting, of some historical celebrities of border life, friends soon to be divided in strife. The two Johnsons, General Nicholas "Herckmer," as he boldly but roughly writes himself,-in the year in which he was erecting the spacious brick mansion called his "Castle", which survives him near Little Falls,- destined afterwards to sit on the saddle of his dead horse, reclining against a tree, smoking his pipe, and issuing his orders, when mortally wounded in the battle of Oriskany, by the Tories and Indians of St. Leger and Sir John. Colonel Peter Schuyler, for a time acting as Colonial Governor of New York, called "Quider" by the Mohawks, whom he had led successfully against the French, and whom they trusted and loved, and Abraham Yates, Jun., subsequently an early Senator, both of the last at times Mayors of the important border city of Albany. With these are others, not unknown in that local history, although making as feeble impression on their times as on the paper, yet as necessary as are the minor connecting links in Genealogy.

He devoted much attention also, "to the erection of churches and schools-even selecting with his intimate knowledge of the Mohawk dialect, the hymns to be sung -and to the education (13) and spiritual welfare of his savage neighbors, in his relations with whom there was much to recall the habits of the Patriarchs, and to account for this special interest in their progress which was probably remembered in the fidelity of four of the tribes, the Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas and Mohawks, to his son, while the Oneidas alone supported the Americans, after vigorous efforts had been made to secure them all. One of the latest objects of his attention was the publication of a new edition of the "Book of Common Prayer," to supply the place of the " Mohawk Prayer Book" printed in 1715, on

(13) From Rev. Eleazer Wheelock, founder and President of Dartmouth College, and celebrated for his success and usefulness in his extended labors to educate and civilize the Indians. Amongst his pupils was Joseph Brant.

DARTMOUTH COLLEGE, IN NEW HAMPSHIRE, Feb. 17, 1773,
HON. SIR :
The bearers, Basteen and Lewis, Indians of the Tribe of Lorett, have been several months at my school, and have from the first appeared to have an uncommon thirst for Learning, have been diligent at their studies and have made good Proficiency for the Time therein. They appear to be rational, manly, spirited, courteous, graceful and obliging far beyond what I have found common to Indians, and I have observed no undue appetite in them for Strong Drink. They have often expressed a desire to see your Honor since they have lived with me, and now at their Desire I have consented to their making you this Visit.

I esteem them the most promising young Indians I have ever seen, and the most likely to answer the great and good ends of an Education, and I hope their going among their brethren in your parts will have no bad influence to predjudice or distemper their minds. I have advised them to return as soon as they can after they have suitably expressed their duty and respect to you, as I should be sorry they should lose more time from their Studies than shall be needful and also as they will likely have occasion to take several other Journeys soon after their return. I wish your Honor the Divine Presence, Direction and Blessing in the important Business Providence has assigned you in Life and beg leave to assure you that I am with much Esteem and Respect,
Your Honor's most obedient and very humble servant,
ELEAZER WHEELOCK.
Sir Wm. Johnson, Baronet.

Bradford's celebrated Press, even then unobtainable and now of great value as one of the rarest of American books. Although his treaties with them showed the concession of great grants of unoccupied territory to the King's domain, he protected them in their occupancies and reserved rights with a jealous care, which would afford a model for later "Indian Agencies." He carried into effect the policy which Governor Dongan had foreshadowed, of keeping the control of the Indians on British soil and protecting them from the zealous Missionary efforts of their French neighbors, to consolidate them with their own tribes.

Like Lord Chatham, he died in harness, devoting his last hours to duty. The progress of prospecting for locations on Indian lands was already active in 1774. Captain Michael Cresap and Mr. Greathead, had by attendant ravages in the valley of the Ohio, on lands protected by Treaty obligations, aroused Logan and other chiefs, friendly to the whites. It was the old story, with which we have been familiar from youth, being repeated. The entire Indian race on the continent sympathized, the Six Nations were preparing to take arms, even Johnson trembled at the prospect. He invited them to a Great Council, and appealed to their old relations as a guarantee for justice. Sick, when he entered the council, he vehemently addressed them, as was his custom, and died before the session was completed-on the eleventh of July, 1774, in his sixtieth year; but his parting words carried their wonted influence, and peace was preserved.

He combined some of the characteristics of Nestor with those of Ulysses, and surely presents in his administration of his public trust and mainly in his private life, an example to those charged with large duties and responsibilities. In the plenitude of his evidences of his master's favor and the pressing variety of his occupations, it is doubtful whether in the growing disfavor for the taxes on stamps or tea, he found time even to consider the reasons for a change of government, or felt that a seat in Parliament would have increased his own importance or representative control.(14)

It is no reflection upon the purity of the motives, or the wisdom of the action of the fathers of our country that such cases of those thus personally impressed with other views, should have existed, but it is merely another instance of the sometimes honest diversity of opinion and policy which has made the world a battlefield.

It may be assumed that then as now, men were governed by individuality and subordinated all to the duty of loyalty, combined in such cases with a sense of interest; and one can easily see how possessing all they could hope for, both father and son struggled to retain it, as would now the holder of a similar valuable estate, franchise, or monopoly, against legislative absorption, opposing opinion, or even suggested amendment.

We see, even in the peaceful walks of life, one man of otherwise noble character, loose self control in asserting a grievance or supporting a right against another, where both are honest, and one, inevitably wrong. Such material, when aggregated -even for social purposes, will at times divide in sentiment, and struggle in a ballot, to decide what is humane or right or what is regular, and by the vote of the majority, produce a result in suppressing without altering a deeply seated conviction.

(14) It does not appear that he ever revisited England, as was asserted, but it may be recalled that he was the first white man- borne by the Indians on a litter-who resorted to the "Saratoga Springs" for medicinal relief..

Such differences are apparently but miniature representations of the elements aggregated in civil war. A reference to a disinterested party has often remedied the one as a mediation may avoid the other.

John Bright, that life long advocate of peace, who has lived through many wars, has recently presented a remedy against their recurrence. "The policy and aspect of our country and of the world will be changed, if the demon war is confined to the cases in which there seems to Christian and rational men no escape from the miseries it inflicts on mankind." This seems a glittering generality only, until it can be discovered haw the passion and perhaps the ignorance by which it is generally incited can be induced - best before any use of violence-to submit to such proper arbitration, and then who would be admitted to be "rational men " by any usual method of selection.

At least the position of those who sustained the existing government at the Revolution would not appear to have been open to any such solution. A large body of the people had finally settled upon a new form, to which all must submit, without reference to former complication, interest, or ties. There was no intermediate course, nor opportunity to temporize, especially for one prominent from position.

The "Tory" then fought for his sovereign and the existing laws, often after years of resistance to their exactions in every appeal but that of arms, as distasteful then as now. The conservative element had favored to the last, endurance to contest, of which property and business were to bear the cost. Many, even of the leading patriots of the Revolution during its progress gave their testimony, that they did not at its outset contemplate separation, but only to urge concession by the threat supported by force; some of them favored mutual conciliation to the end, most prayed for peace.

We have been educated to consider the action of those who were satisfied with the existing government in 1776, as well as that of those who had realized and sought for peaceful redress from grievances,and when they culminated in war adhered to their old flag, indiscriminately, as absolutely indefensible, to apply to all of them the epithet "Tory," as equivalent to "Traitor," and to forget that the even worse detested "Hessian " was only an involuntary German soldier in jackboots and bearded, then unusual in America, whose sword was again sold under treaty obligations, by his Hereditary Prince to a kinsman, King George III, in that war. We have not cared to recognize his hostility to us as compulsory, his presence that of the involuntary victim of an obnoxious custom in the old World, and that he was of the same race-and if an officer, of its educated and then privileged class-famed from the period of Charlemagne in the battle fields of the world, for their achievements, among the more recent of which we can now recall their instrumentality- including the death of two Princes of Brunswick-in the earlier conflicts, in the overthrow of two Emperors of the Bonaparte dynasty, and its suppression.

The Tory was not allowed to remain after the Revolution had succeeded, to submit to the result of what he had from habit and education rejected, when pressed upon him by arms. It would seem to be improper, after the expiration of a century, to question the action of the brave men-carefully selected to represent the popular sentiment, and clearly influenced by more than usual intelligence-as to their policy in the smallest detail, in securing our national existence, or to believe that they could have acted in this important particular, without a better knowledge than we can even yet appreciate, of their position and of their necessities.

We know that our country was exhausted in men and means when the contest ended,(15) that the British lion had retreated

(15) The following copied from a signed duplicate original, shows the necessity of the government, the relative ability of the States, and the changes in their subsequent progress.

BY THE UNITED STATES, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED.
September 4, 1782.

On the report of a General Committee, consisting of a member from each state, Resolved, That one million two hundred thousand dollars has been quotaed on the States as absolutely and immediately necessary for payment of the interest on the public debt, and that it be recommended to the Legislatures of the respective States, to lay such taxes as shall appear to them moat proper and effectual for immediately raising their quota of the above sum.

Resolved, That the money so raised in each State, shall be applied towards paying the interest due on certificates issued from the loan office of each State, and other liquidated debts of the United States contracted therein, before any part thereof shall be paid into the public treasury.

Ordered, That the foregoing Resolutions be referred to the Grand Committee, to assess and report the quota of each State.

Sept. 10, 1781.
On the report of the Grand Committee:
Resolved, That $1,200,000 to be raised for the payment of the interest of the domestic debt of the United States, be appropriated to the several States, according to the following quotas, viz :

New Hampshire, $48,000
Massachusetts, 192,000
Rhode Island, 28,800
Connecticut, 133,200
New York, 54,000
New Jersey, 66,000
Pennsylvania, 180,000
Delaware, 16,800
Maryland, 132,000
Virginia, 174,000
North Carolina, 88,000
South Carolina, 72,000
Georgia, 14,400
(Signed), CHAS. THOMPSON, Secretary.

grimly, still holding his Canadian territory as a lair, which could be used after the repose he also needed, as a base for the concentration of another effort, perhaps including the Loyalists and exchanged Hessian prisoners. That the private contributions made in England to aid the government, after the capture of Burgoyne, might be renewed and concert increased, after the surrender of Cornwallis, inspired by national chagrin. They perhaps felt that a Preliminary Peace wrung from a mortified enemy, was really a truce, depending on England's adjustment of her difficulties with France. That the forces of that ally, had hurried the attack upon Yorktown, to seek new laurels in the West Indies, and might never return, and that even Definitive Treaties had often been broken.

Even after that Peace, they probably doubted its continuance -as was justified by the war of 1812 (16)-and from these considerations, looked upon the continued presence of the Tory element as likely to prove a lasting danger.

A reference to "Sabine's Loyalists" will readily show, in the records of many of them in the Colonial and Revolutionary wars, that they were largely men of military experience'? and the question

(16) In his "Campaigns of the War of 1812 and (15)," recently published, General Cullum - who will be remembered by posterity for his life labor in recording the military records of all of the graduates of the military academy - throws much light on a dark subject. Intending to do justice to the officers of his own - the Engineer corps, he has apparently afforded the best account of the strategic failure of a war gallantly fought in the field, but so disgracefully managed in the Bureau, as to leave an impression, in many competent minds, that it was intended to be a failure, to avoid the annexation of Canada, then by reason of the scarcity of British Troops and other circumstances apparently possible.

(l7) The "Letters from the Marquis de Montcalm, Governor General of Canada, &c.," published by Almon, in London, in 1777, in the heat of the controversy- and at once declared, even in Parliament, to contain predictions manufactured after the results were verified - are still a subject of discussed authenticity, although mainly settled by recent developments by Francis Parkman and others, to have been simulated. At least they appear to contain a valuable cotemporary view of the condition of the then Colonies, the material of their population, and the probability of their speedily turning their arms against their mother country, when the danger of the French as a hostile neighbor was removed.

for the victors to pass upon, was whether a cordial acceptance of the result of their recent overthrow could be relied upon, and a new allegiance could divest them of their old attachment or entirely subordinate them to the impressions and duties, necessary to reliable citizenship.

It has been claimed, that as they included in their number many large holders of property, and that its forfeiture-on which new fortunes were speedily founded-the release of debts and arrears before the war, to, and the canceling of contracts with them, were also used as influences against an amnesty on even severe conditions, (18) such as had usually then been extended to the Indians, after their conquest, by most of the colonies.

It was said by Addison, that "a man of merit in a different principle, is like an object seen in two different mediums, that appears crooked and broken, however straight and entire it may be in itself. For this reason there is scarcely a person of figure in England, who does not go by two contrary characters, as opposite to one another as light and darkness."

(18) The severity of an indiscriminate confiscation was early recognized. In the preliminary Treaty of Peace, formulated at Versailles on the 20th of January, 1783, negotiated by Adams, Franklin, Jay and Henry Laurens, on the part of the United States-all illustrious citizens and principally foreign ministers-the only representative of Great Britain was Richard Oswald, a merchant of London, selected alone to represent her, without the ceremony attending happier negotiations and probably with a view to his acceptability to those he was to meet, as having lately bailed Mr. Laurens from the Tower when captured at sea, on his way to his Mission at the Hague. By that Treaty, condensed in nine brief stipulations, in Article v, "It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly recommend it to the Legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the restitution of all estates, rights and properties of persons resident in districts, in the possession of his Majesty's arms, and who have not borne arms against the said United States. And that persons, of any other description, shall have free liberty to go into any part or parts of any of the Thirteen United States, and therein to remain twelve months unmolested in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of each of their estates, rights and properties, as may have been confiscated, and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states

It may be noticed that the persons here incidentally alluded to, may be mostly classed as persons of figure at the period and that Addison's impression was as applicable to the colonies as to the mother country. The customs of the one had been early introduced into the other, in the habits of life, and the adoption of many of the ideas and principles which governed at home.

The acquisition of land has been as we know, from the earliest period one of the most marked instincts of man. None knew better than the settlers the traditional influence attending land secured by entail, as the basis of the perpetuation of families at home, and many younger sons and connections of such privileged owners were then amongst the first comers. Nor were they slow after their arrival in seeking for similar endowments. A vast area of readily productive land, forests, fisheries and mines, lay open to new colonists , and facile governors, sent generally by favor, to better their estates - at least before dissensions demanded more efficient selections - were ready to promote grants of crown lands, and even manors with some

a reconsideration and revision of the acts and laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with the spirit of conciliation, which oh the return of the blessings or peace should universally prevail. And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several States, that the estates, rights and properties of such last mentioned persons, shall be restored to them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in possession, the bona fida price (where any has been given) which such persons may have paid on purchasing any of said lands or properties, since the confiscation. And it is agreed, That all persons who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, marriage settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no legal impediment in the prosecution of their just rights." It was also agreed by Article vi, "That there shall be no future confiscations made, nor any prosecutions commenced against any person or persons for, or by reason of the part which he or they may have taken in the present war, and that no person shall, on that account, suffer any future loss or damage, either in his person, liberty or property, and that those who may be in confinement on such charge at the time of the ratification of the Treaty in America, shall be immediately set at liberty, and the prosecution so commenced be discontinued."

feudal privileges, induced by the eking out of a small salary by the considerable fees attending the entries, and often,- as existing written evidence proves-by a concealed interest with the grantee. To the foundation of such granted or purchased estates followed their division and use by tenants, or distribution by sale. There were many monopolies, similarly procured, soon also available as sources of wealth and as the crops and productions of the land, the mines, the timber, the naval stores, and the fisheries increased, and their development and control by merchants and shippers accumulated wealth, there followed naturally the introduction of every luxury and appliance, custom and habit of life, used by the privileged class in the mother country.

The military and civil service brought out many cadets of English families, to find a permanent home by settlement or marriage. As England was politically an aristocracy, the colonies as a part of it, imitated its habits and fostered its restrictions. It has been claimed that with many who had acquired the convexity of affluence, and aspired to position, the exclusion from the higher offices, and the precedence on a state occasion, accorded to some stripling subaltern in a crimson coat, was a grievance harder to be borne than taxation. With prosperity and wealth came the desire for education, and that cultivation which should confer on their children some of the advantages which they had seen accorded, to the scions of those privileged families at home.

The schools of Eton and Harrow, and the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, were filled with young Americans, who while studying the humanities, were naturally comparing the political privileges which surrounded them, with those of their home.

Those in London, during the period of the dissensions referred to, watched the progress of events in the galleries of Parliament and studied statesmanship there, often with/their profession in the purlieus of the Temple and the Inns of Court, both indispensable in the coming events in that distant home. Probably in their social intercourse they felt the sense of inferiority as colonists, impressed upon them by the home-born young Britons, ever conscious of national and often of personal superiority- with whom they were associated, and already dreamed of political and social equality.(19)

Their home constituency, combining a large element of veterans taught to wield arms in the border wars, conscious of their power, and of those devoted to the pursuits of peace, conceded in the selection for such offices as were left to their choice, the claims of superior education and larger opportunity for the study of public affairs, for in those days, the place sought the man as generally as in the present, men seek the place. As an example, Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hayward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., and Arthur Middleton, all early movers for redress from grievances, members from South Carolina of the early Congresses, and its Signers of the Declaration,

(19) An amusing instance of the social line then drawn, is given by Col. Stone. When William, an half breed-supposed to be Sir William's boy, and an associate of young Brant at Dr. Wheelock's school, was directed by his instructor's son to saddle a horse, he refused, saying be was not a Gentleman. "When asked to define what a gentleman was, he replied, "a person who keeps race horses and drinks Madeira wine, and that is what neither you nor your father do." It is not probable that this impression originated with the boy, but it suggests whether the keeping of too many race horses, and the drinking of too much Madeira, may not have been one of the causes of the distinction he describes finding its decadence in the progress of events and the development of new elements of citizenship, rapidly dividing properly and power with these earlier comers.

were, with Charles Coatesworth Pinckney, John Laurens and many others early in the field from that, and a large number who served in both from other Colonies - recently educated in England.

The Congress that declared the country free, which was probably as representative of the ability of the American people as any that succeeded it, was, according to the custom of the day, composed of such " men of figure " in the colonies as the people at the time, considered best suited to protect their common interest. The Clergy, Lawyers, Doctors, Judges, Magistrates, Planters and prosperous Merchants and Manufacturers were mainly its material; there was an entire absence of those who devoted themselves to politics or agitation professionally. Perhaps the difference of sentiment, which soon divided the people in arms, may be illustrated by hastily referring to the career of one member of that celebrated body, who, while occupying in many particulars the same position as the Johnsons, was overwhelmed and mainly forgotten in the ruin he brought upon himself, in the honest assertion of antipodal convictions.

Richard Stockton, of New Jersey, would appear to have been symmetrically, in every relation, such a "person of figure." Born at Princeton, in 1730, on the extended estate of his fathers, carefully educated as his position justified, and his natural abilities made easy, he graduated at Nassau Hall, in 1748, under the tutelage of President Burr. When fitted by professional training, he readily asserted his position, as one of the ablest of a distinguished bar. The cultivation of his mind, is said to have kept pace with that of a graceful and attractive person, physically fitted for endurance and superiority in all manly enterprises. While doing the honors of his stately home, with a broad hospitality and benevolence, aided by a wife to whom he was devoted, he had adorned it with many objects of interest, including one of the finest libraries in the colonies.

He combined an interest in all that affected the public, with an appreciation of every social pleasure, uniting in the gayeties of the little Viceregal Court of his Governor, Sir William Franklin,(20) while already considering the grievances charged against his delegated action. He is claimed by his honorable character, and sympathetic manners, to have earned the appreciation of all. Devoting his leisure to the improvement of his mind, body and estate, on the latter he bred the choicest horses and cattle, he was celebrated for his mount as well as for his seat, for his skill as a marksman, and in such

(20) Governor Franklin was a protégé of Lord Bute, by whose influence and that of
his father - when courted by the administration - he was created Governor of New
Jersey without any marked service above that of a captain in the French War.
On his release he returned to Europe. His more memorable father who could control lightning failed in influencing the loyalty of his son.

In many particulars there was a similarity between the position and treatment of Governor Franklin and Sir John Johnson in this year. The following letter is copied from the original and shows the action of Congress.
PHILADELPHIA, June 24, 1776.
GENTLEMEN : Your Favor respecting the proper measures to be taken with your late Governor, William Franklyn, Esq., came to Hand on Saturday the 22d inst. But as the Congress did not sit on that Day I could not lay it before them till Monday. 1 now do myself the Honour of enclosing to you the Resolve of Congress which they have this day passed with Regard to the Treatment of him. You will therefore perceive the Congress have directed him to be sent to Connecticut under a guard. I shall write to Gov. Trumbull to treat him as a Prisoner should he refuse to give his Parole in Writing.
I have the Honour to be Gentlemen your most
obed't and very humble serv't.
JOHN HANCOCK,
Presid't.
The other resolves herewith transmitted, are of such a Nature that no argumentsare necessary to enforce them. You will be pleased to attend to them as soon as possible.
Hon'ble Convention of New Jersey.

athletic sports as are now supplemented by polo, lawn tennis, boating and ball matches, in which pleasure is realized through exertion. Such pursuits and pastimes of his lesser existence, were with him only the oil applied to the machinery of an earnest life!

In 1766, he "made his tour,'' as was customary then as now, spending two years in England, cultivating the acquaintance of public men to whom his access was easy, obtaining an audience by the young King, who graciously received him, and communing with some leaders, with whom he was destined to hold early intercourse, and to whom he, even then, probably imparted his growing apprehensions. In an unpublished letter, written in London in that year to his wife - one of the few relics of his then impending ruin, which survive in the hands of his family, and which Dr. Emmet thoughtfully directed to be fac-similed--he says, "I have had a perfect state of health since I left you, blessed be God Almighty, and let me tell you that all the Elegance and Grandeur I have yet seen in these Kingdoms, in different families where I have been received, serves but to increase the pleasure I have for some years enjoyed in my Domestick connections. I see not a sensible, obliging, tender wife, but the Image of my dear Emelia, is full in view. I see not a haughty ignorant imperious dame, but I rejoice that the partner of my life is so much her opposite. But why need I talk so gallantly? You knew me long ago, as well as you would should I write a volume on this endearing topic."

The fitness of a man so constituted and prepared for public usefulness, was not then long overlooked. Returning in 1768, he was named for a seat in the Council of the colony-at the time an honored place, and, in 1774, elevated to the Supreme Bench, acquitting himself with credit in each position. When he saw the political clouds which he had carefully watched, about to break, he had prepared himself by study of precedents, and communion with wise men, for the result, and made every effort to avert it. The annexed appeal, copied from the original draft-written with a firm and graceful chirography, but in ink as faded by time as any general memory of his service-expressing the result of such conclusion in dignified and manly terms, and showing by its impersonal form, the writer's appreciation of the etiquette, which prevented a direct interference with public affairs beyond his control - was submitted to the minister without concealment of authorship or the avoidance of responsibility, by the hand of a friend.(21)

(21) AN EXPEDIENT FOR THE SETTLEMENT OP THE AMERICAN DISPUTES humbly submitted ("offered" erased ) to the consideration of his Majesty's Ministers, by an American.

The State of American Affairs is so badly alarming at this time, that any real friend to the British Empire, ought to suggest every probable expedient that occurs to him, for the accommodation of the unhappy disputes between Great Britain and the Colonies -to give the following suggestions their due weight, it must he premised-
1st. That the several North American Colonies, from New Hampshire to South Carolina inclusive, are able to furnish 500,000 fighting men; who are in general as fit for service as the English Militia, and many of them much more so, having been in active service in the last war.
2nd. That the great body of the people of these Several Colonies are now ( even to the astonishment of many Colonists themselves) perfectly united in a determinate opposition to the authority of the British Parliament as to all internal Taxation.
3d. That there is not the least remaining doubt, if the British Government should proceed to put the late Acts of Parliament, respecting the Massachusetts Bay (or any other Acts which involve the Idea of an absolute uncontrollable power in the British Parliament over the Colonies) , into execution, by force, but that the said Colonies would unite by attempting to repel, force by force. To which may be added, what is as well or perhaps better known in Great Britain than in America, to wit :
4th. That the certain consequences of this unnatural war will be dreadful to both Great Britain and America, and the probable effects thereof may be fatal to the whole British Empire. Matters standing thus and the three first propositions above premised being founded upon the most indubitable facts (of which the Writer of this from his general acquaintance with America, is perhaps as competent a

Such remonstrances, made in and oat of Parliament by the friends of America, desirous of preserving with honor its early institutions, failed to attract attention, and the storm of opposition to them finally burst. Stockton had already selected his course and indifferent to office, personal exemption, or private

judge as any man whatever), it is humbly proposed to his Majesty's Ministers whether it would not be proper,
1st. That a royal Instruction be immediately obtained and sent over to the several Governors of the North American Colonies requesting them forthwith to recommend it to their several Assemblies to pass, and to give their own assent to an Act which may be passed by the Legislatures of several Provinces, comprising certain Commissioners therein to be named to repair to England, with power to confer with his Majesty's Ministers, or with Commissioners to be appointed by Parliament, respecting the grand points in dispute between Great Britain and America, and finally to determine thereupon.
2nd. That to prevent all disputes in future, the said American Commissioners be also empowered to confer and agree with the British Commissioners respecting the future Government and regulation of the Colonies, either by framing one general system of Government for all the Colonies on the Continent similar to the British, or by making some material alteration in the present mode of Provincial Government. In either of which systems, some effectual provision may be made for the adequate support of the American Government by the Americans themselves, and also for the payment of all such sums of money at may become due from America to Great Britain for the assistance of her Fleets and Army. These determinations of the said Commissioners to be subjected nevertheless, to such alteration as the wisdom of his Majesty and his Parliament of Great Britain may make therein, and as shall be agreed to by the several Provincial Legislatures.
3d. That upon such instructions being given to the several Governors, his Majesty to be advised in his royal clemency, to recommend it to his Parliament to suspend the operation of the Boston Port Acts, while the determination of the said Commissioners should be had. The author of the above hints offers them with all humility, and with great diffidence of his own ability on so great and national a question. But some expedient must be immediately fallen upon, or we shall be involved in a Civil War, the most obstinate, awful and tremendous that perhaps occurred since the Creation of the world. He will esteem it a signal blessing of Divine Providence conferred upon him, if any one Idea he hath suggested may be of any use at this dreadful crisis. And if otherwise, he will at least be able to comfort himself with the uprightness of his intentions in this feeble attempt, and with the assurance that he can do no harm, either to himself or any other person.
December 12, 1774.

Endorsed, by the writer - on this the corrected draught - "Hints transmitted to Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for America, through the hands of Samuel Smith, Esq., of London, Merchant."

THIS APPEAL, and many similar ones we know, were made in vain to a government impressed by unwise counsels, and a King who declared ''That the Americans meant only to amuse by vague expressions of attachment and the strongest professions

interest, accepted a seat in the then rebel Congress. While the Declaration of Independence was being considered, he listened in silence, and with profound attention to the debate, but with a grave face and a sad heart,(22) when under later usages, a member who had determined to risk his life for the benefit of his " constituency," might have suggested some trifling amendment, to remind them at once of his presence at an important crisis, and the superior grasp of his intellect to that of the illustrious committee who reported it. It has been suggested that the Congress of 1776, was limited in its membership to men whose merit had been recognized in the administration of their own private interests and duties, a valued experience to those assuming a public trust. Many of them had shown this also in the colonial assemblies, where the honor had compensated for the expense, beyond the trifling allowance. When the proper moment arrived he signed it, accepted it as the chart by which he was fated to sail to his personal shipwreck, overwhelmed while aiding to secure the privileges we enjoy.

In devoting himself to the cause, he declined the honors offered to him, to compensate for those he had sacrificed. On a tie vote, between himself and William Livingston-another devoted and able patriot-on the first election for governor, he declined further contest with so worthy a man, and also refused the Chief Justiceship, probably won by his magnanimity. With

of loyalty, while they were preparing for a general revolt, for the purpose of establishing an independent Empire," At least, the policy suggested by Mr. Stockton had some influence at home, for on the first day of the following September, Richard Penn and Arthur Lee delivered to Lord Dartmouth a petition from Congress to the King embodying the above views and probably borrowed from them, and were informed that NO ANSWER WOULD BE GIVEN.

(22) Sanderson's Signers.

his colleague Clymer, he visited the camp of the Northern army, and consulted with the gallant Schuyler, as to details already tending there to a great triumph. Soon, the ravages of war reached and destroyed that happy home, his family was driven into exile, his lands were laid waste, and his favorite horses appropriated by the raiders. Then, to complete his misfortunes, when captured by them, he was carried into New York, and from his prominent position as a recent King's officer, "ignominiously thrown into a common jail," and confined with such cruelty that when exchanged, upon the special remonstrances of Congress, conveyed by Washington, his shattered health unfitted him for further usefulness, and a lingering life of suffering was the final fulfillment of his remarkable promise, which terminated on the twenty-eighth of February, 1781, too soon to know of the effect of the artillery at Yorktown, in consummating the freedom for which, after exhorting his children to remember that "the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom," he had died a martyr. In many countries such service would be recorded by monuments "more lasting than brass," and his "fete day" remembered and celebrated, in the engrossing present of what he aided to create, is it not doubtful if his name is known to all of those even in his native State, where some evidently concentrate in themselves and in their surroundings, the beginning and end of all interest in the perpetuation of their existence as freemen. Is it not equally so, if he were living, whether those services would command a sufficient vote of appreciation to return him to Congress, if vigorously opposed by some political organization or machine, supported by the now common outlay.

But our national existence appears largely due to the folly of its rulers, even more than to the resistance of the colonies. When relieved of a hostile neighbor by the conquest of Canada, they needed no longer the protecting assistance of the parent government. The continuous border warfare with the French then ended, and also that with all of the Indians, surrounding the upper lakes, in the successful defence of Detroit and the defeat of Pontiac. During the continuance of these wars, they had been compelled to keep an average of 25,000 troops under arms, and had made a valuable expenditure of thirty thousand lives. They claimed a large balance, some £350,000 for outlays. A vote of £200,000 by Parliament on the recommendation of George III at once on his accession, while admitting the necessity for such assistance, seems inconsistent with a claim soon after made for a revenue of 06100,000 by direct taxation. In 1775 the debt of Great Britain was estimated at three hundred millions and its interest charges in 1776, £4,800,000 of which £19,000 was claimed as for the expenses of the first year of the war.

There had been dissensions between the Governors and the Assemblies, and a successful resistance to the foreign taxes on sugar and molasses. Writs of assistance ordering the collection, had been reluctantly granted, and little used. An uncomfortable relation had grown up between the colonies, now a prosperous and Warlike people, and their mother country. Sir Robert Walpole(23) had years before divined that their direct taxation was

(23) Doubtless their clandestine trade with the Spanish Colonies, exporting British manufactures in exchange for specie, made stamps more objectionable, but far seeing Walpole claimed, that of every £500,000 so gained by them, one-half would be expended in England. Their friends throughout persistently sustained them in Parliament. Chatham, Rockingham, Newcastle, Camden and Conway amongst the earliest, with such success, that when partially to aid the East India Company, three pence a pound on tea was, on motion of Lord North alone persisted in, - on the 5th of March, 1770- Captain Preston had on that day, fired on the "Boston Mob," and the concession came too late.

to "disturb a hornets' nest," and left it as he said-as many political questions are bequeathed-"to those who should come after him, who had more courage than himself," and the judicious Pitt, when it was suggested as a source of needed revenue, expressed his unwillingness to "burn his fingers with an American Tax." What the course of events would have been, if Frederick, Prince of Wales, had lived to succeed his father, is a subject for conjecture. He appears to have been controlled by generous impulses, and advanced ideas of government, was frank and ingenuous in his carriage, while doubtless a subject for " calculation" or at least observation as to his future, as an heir apparent of mature years is apt to be. It was asserted that he favored dividing the control of his father's Whig advisors -representing the ruling party since the Protestant succession-and admitting the long neglected Tory element to share it, and to neutralize the influence of both, by subordinating every element to the development, in his expected reign-of Bolingbroke's ideal government, ruled by a" Patriot King." Dying in his father's lifetime, at the age of forty-four, his son succeeded directly on the decease of his grandfather on the 26th of October, 1760, at the age of twenty-two, having been the first of his family born on British soil.

The accession of George III(24) to the throne when proclaimed throughout his dominions and colonies, was received every where

(24) It was said of him at that time "though his character was far from yet being perfectly developed, a very strong and apparently just partiality predominated in his favor. During the late reign he had uniformly abstained from all public interference in the affairs of government. His manners were in the highest degree decorous, his words unblemished, and his personal accomplishments corresponded with the elevation of his rank and station. All appearances seemed to augur a reign of uninterrupted glory and felicity, and the regret which the nation for a moment felt at the sudden demise of the good old King, was immediately absorbed in the transports of joy excited by the auspicious commencement of the reign of the young Monarch who

with demonstrations of hope and joy. The people mainly at last, attached to his family, augured from his character and youth, a relief from every existing complication. Their grievances and prayers for redress were early addressed to the new monarch, and steadily pressed on his attention, with increasing emphasis. The hand of his mother-a Princess who was known by the populace as "The Witch," and doubtless held herself to be capable and executive-seems to have shaped his destiny as woman has often influenced the destinies of mankind. His father, apparently no mean judge of character, speaking of John Stewart, Earl of Bute, whom he had first seen at the Duchess of Queensbury's fete, acting as "Lothario" in the "Fair Penitent," apparently soon as an intimate at Leicester House, epigrammatically described him as "a fine showy man who would make an excellent ambassador in any court, where there was no business" (Beeton's Universal Biography ), and all historians

had very lately attained the age of complete majority; being born June 4, 1738." Belsham's Memoirs of George III.

The late Dean Stanley, in his "Memorials of Westminster Abbey," recalls some details of the coronation of George III, that Archbishop Seeker who officiated, had baptized, confirmed and married, the King. That the princely style in which the young King seated himself after the ceremony, attracted general notice. "No actor in the character of Pyrrhus, in the ' Distrest Mother,' " says Bishop Newton, who was present, "not even Booth himself, ever ascended the throne with so much grace and dignity," That the most interesting peculiarity of the coronation was the unnoticed attendance of the rival to the throne, Prince Charles Edward" (the Pretender, then in London, under the name of Mr. Brown). "1 asked my Lord Marshal," says David Hume, of the reason for this strange fact." "Ay." says he, "a gentleman told me so, who saw him there, and whispered in his ear, 'Your Royal Highness is the last of all mortals whom I should expect to see here." "It was curiosity that led me," said the other, "but I assure you," added he, "that the person who is the cause of all this pomp and magnificence, is the man I envy least." Could he have realized what that rival would soon suffer from the losses here treated of, he would not have envied him the more, on that day that he inherited those troubles, with the preferment.

The signature of Archbishop Seeker, who aided and endowed Episcopal churches in America, and also officiated at the coronation of Lord Granville, Dunk, Earl of Halifax, and others of the Lords of Council annexed to the order for his proclamation in New York, like that of Goldsboro Banyer, the then Deputy Secretary, may be recalled in connection with our early history.

appear to agree in failing to approve of the man. He was, says Belsham-apparently an impartial writer-"a nobleman haughty in his manners, contracted in his capacity, despotic in his sentiments, and mysterious in his conduct, who was successfully insinuating himself into the confidence of the Princess of Wales, and of her son." Only Sunday intervened (between the old King's death, and his taking his oath as a Privy Counselor, and he at once supplanted his daughter, Princess Amelia, in the Rangership of Richmond Park.(25) As the Mentor of the Prince he became a rapid meteor, shooting upward from place to place, from that position to Secretary of State, then to first Lord of the Treasury, and ruler of the Ministry of the Nation, of the Princess Dowager, and of his Sovereign. The latter had learned to thoroughly accept his infallibility and to adopt his ideas, which culminated in his misfortunes, and loss of colonies and intellect. Lord Bute drove from the counsels of his well intending master, all other advisers, including those apparently essential to his prosperity. Some refused to serve as his colleagues, others were supplanted in securing place and emolument for himself and his creatures. While in thus depriving America of friends in the Council, familiar with their rights and necessities, he concentrated power in himself. It is just to say, that he pressed the war against the Allies on the continent, with vigorous success, on sea and land, bringing them to their knees, and negotiating the Peace of Fontainbleau in November, 1762, with France, Spain and Portugal, by which Canada and all Louisiana east of Mississippi was finally ceded, by France; East and West Florida and all their territory east and southeast of that river, by Spain. In the haste with which he availed himself of these successes, securing the results which made

(25) Possibly to please her sister-in-law.

the "Georgian Era" memorable, he immensely increased the area of the colonies. He neglected to provide any indemnity for Prussia as a faithful ally, from her position liable to future retaliation, and won those caustic, but just criticisms with which that Frederick, who was great with both pen and sword-after having protected his then exposed condition by a treaty with Russia and Sweden, has embalmed his memory in his Euvres du Rol de Prusse. This, and the forcing through with great difficulty, even sustained by the whole power of the Government, of the "Cider Bill," Involving a direct tax repugnant to the whole people, especially to the "Country Party," and the agricultural interests, and so establishing a precedent for those which cost the recent acquisitions in America, and their base, were the crowning results of a power which he suddenly resigned, when-as he admitted "single in a Cabinet of his own creating, with no soul in the House of Lords to support him, but two Peers." All of this unwise exercise of authority appears to have originated in the Princess Dowager's rejection, of what the world have since united in approving, as the wise judgment of her husband, and allowing the needy schemer he distrusted, the unrestricted control of that of his son, particularly on this to him, fatal question of direct taxation.

William Henry Drayton - Chief Justice of South Carolina-who was in the habit of engrafting ardent precepts of patriotism with those of law, in his charges to the grand jury and also of contributing his salary to their promotion,(26) expressed the universal sense of the Colonies in one of these delivered on the 15th of October, 1776.

"Never were a people more wrapped up in a King than the Americans were in George III in 1763. They revered

(26) He also died in service, a member of Congress at Philadelphia, Feb. 3, 1779.

and obeyed the British Government because it protected them, they fondly called Great Britain home, but from that time her counsels took a ruinous turn; ceasing to protect they sought to ruin America, the Stamp Act, Declaratory law and duties upon Tea and other articles, at once proclaimed the injustice, and announced to Americans that they had but little room for hope, infinite space for fear. In vain they petitioned for redress."

But England needed money ; and the means as proposed to the King, by Bute, seemed to him adequate and proper. In an effort to add to her revenue the £100,000, Mr. Grenville(27) his successor as first Commissioner of the Treasury, proposed to collect it by the Stamp Act in 1763, and so partially reimburse her outlay in the Seven Years' War, which had in part originated in the defence of her Colonies. In this she thoroughly aroused them, already exasperated, to a forcible resistance, so significant as to strengthen the hands of its opponents in Parliament sufficiently to effect the repeal of that already obsolete act.

Even then there was a chance for reconciliation, for which the Colonies still steadily petitioned and labored through their agents and friends. But the fumes of the "Cider Bill" had influenced the royal head, he persevered in his policy, and the brilliant Charles Townshend, as Chancellor of the Exchequer,

(27) In the course of the debate on the Cider Bill, Mr. Grenville, annoyed by Mr. Pitt's ridicule of its subject, replied, "The Right Honorable Gentleman complains of the hardship of this Tax, why does he not tell us where we can lay another tax instead of it? " repeating two or three times emphatically, "Tell me where you can lay another tax." Mr. Pitt thus unseasonably appealed to, replied in a musical tone, in the words of a favorite air, "Gentle Shepherd tell me where," which, amused the House and fixed the soubrequet on Mr. Grenville. Mr. Belsham, who related it in 1795, did not view it even then as wholly a joke. "Little certainly," says he, "did this minister imagine how fertile would be the invention of his successors, or how thoroughly subdued by time and custom the spirits of the people." This tax, however, was also soon obsolete from non user.

four years later essayed to increase the still insufficient revenue, by the substitution of a more remunerative duty upon tea, glass, paper and painters' colors, under the impression that the form and not the substance of the taxation was unpalatable, but even when limited to tea alone, its attempted enforcement was, as we know, the immediate cause of the loss of her Colonies, at least at that time.

It was a small beginning to a mighty result, the spark that caused a great conflagration, in which, in spite of the efforts of Lord North, into whose hands and those of Lord George Germain,-whom Belsham emphasizes as "so famous, or rather infamous, under his former appellation of Lord George Sackville,"-after several intermediate unsuccessful ministries it fell, to make the final efforts to extinguish it by conciliation, too long delayed, or by force; and so to officiate, in the final dismemberment of a portion of Great Britain's dominions, now vastly larger and greater, than the whole at that period. The Tory interests were then remorselessly burned.

The few details of public outlay referred to in these old papers, only valuable here as connected with the subject, are, it will be seen, trifling items of the then immense expenditure of the British Government in that fruitless struggle for a small additional Revenue, and additions to her indebtedness always very great, but easily carried in ordinary times by the appreciation of her Funded Debt, as a security by the world. From these fragments, we can discern the continued confidence of the Government in Sir John Johnson, after the military results elsewhere referred to, and that he was entrusted with the care and control of his former allies and neighbors, apparently as the superior of Col. Guy Johnson, on whom the Superintendency devolved at the decease of Sir William, probably so arranged in order to allow him to devote his uninterrupted attention to the care of an estate, then only second to that of Penn's in size, and to enjoy it as a landed gentleman. Perhaps, as a clear judge of character in ordinary cases, he distrusted the qualities of his son to assume the Superintendency, an impression which seems oftener to prevail with an elderly man, than that of a too high appreciation of the ability of any apparent successor. In the event, fate did not free him from the cares from which his father may have hoped to relieve him, after having himself long borne their weight.

It may be noticed that the following order providing for the relief
of several corps of Loyalists belonging to General Burgoyne's
Army, and other Refugees, deducts the value of provisions, issued
to "said Corps of Royalists and others, between 25th October
1777"-three months after the conclusion of the foregoing
Diary-"and 24th April, 1778," and probably includes the
troops it treats of, as then still under command.

Guy Carleton, Knight of the Bath, General and Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's Forces in the Province of Quebec and frontiers thereof,

You are hereby directed and required to pay or cause to be paid to Sir John Johnson, Bart., or to his assigns, the sum of six thousand four hundred and sixty seven pounds, eleven shillings and six pence, sterling dollars at four shillings and eight pence each, being the allowance made for the present relief of several corps of Royalists, belonging to General Burgoyne's army, and sundry other persons who have taken refuge in this Province from the Rebellious Colonies, as per annexed accounts. You will also deduct the sum of one thousand and twenty-four pounds, six shillings and eight pence sterling, being the amount of provisions issued to the said corps of Royalists and others, between 25th October, 1777, and 24th April, 1778. And this, with the acquittances of the said Sir John Johnson, Bt., or his assigns, shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge.
Given under my hand, at Quebec, this 29th of April, 1778.
GUY CARLETON.(28)

To John Powell, Esq.,
Dy. Paymaster General,
His Majesty's forces at Quebec.
This appointment - dated five months after the virtual close of the war at Yorktown, although eight before the negotiation

(28) The last English commander in-chief in her lost colonies. By escaping from captivity at Montreal in 1775, passing at night, with muffled oars, through his adversaries' forces, throwing himself into Quebec, and rallying its feeble garrison, he saved the city and deprived the adventurous Montgomery of his victory. The jealousy of Lord George Germaine is said to have confined his service to Canada, and deprived him of the command of the expedition led by Burgoyne. His loyal endurance of this slight, and his cordial assistance with the favorite of the hour, won for him Burgoyne's recorded appreciation. General Burgoyne was apparently a man of ability, and had been a successful soldier in Portugal. He was a social celebrity also, and owed his progress to family influence. His devotion to pleasure is charged to have delayed him-while in fact probably waiting for the promised cooperation of General Howe-when celerity of movement appears to have offered the only chance for either advance or escape.

It has also been claimed, mainly by those not present, that his delay near Fort Edward, to procure horses for a very heavy artillery and train, increased the need of provisions, all of which the disasters of the detachments on his flanks at Fort Stanwix and Bennington, prevented his securing, while they crippled an originally small force, to swing so far from its base. It was also asserted, that he should have held Fort Edward, prepared to advance when he had satisfactory intelligence from below, or even to retreat to Canada ; an apparent answer would be, that he had but five day provisions when he yielded ; inconsiderable for a siege and had no knowledge of Clinton's small supplies, sent to Albany. That the whole country encouraged by those disasters, was rising, and troops being hurried forward, while his own were daily reduced ; and that he was in effect captured before he surrendered. It was only at the end of a century, that General Howe's failure to advance to his aid was accounted for, by an explanation, written at the time by Lord Shelburne, and published by his appreciative grandson, in his life in 1875, by which it appears that Lord George Germaine, also a man of pleasure, being engaged to dine in the country, signed the orders for Burgoyne, but those for Gen. Howe requiring to be rewritten, were to be sent to him, for his signature there. The packet unexpectedly sailed with only the former, and so produced the complication, while the latter were found pigeon holed in the office of that valuable public servant, years afterwards, and so America gained a battle only second in value from its results. This blunder, as many other explanations just to that officer, and perhaps the best conception of the good and

of the Preliminary Peace - creating him Superintendent General of all Indians at Quebec and the frontier Provinces, including his old neighbors four of the Six Nations - might imply that his hopes as a soldier had ended, with those for the restoration of his inherited domain. The evidence however exists of his continued interests in the differences with the Indians, still occupying the territory claimed by the United States, proving his later hostility.
SIR: WHITEHALL, 18 March, 1782.
The King has been graciously pleased to appoint you Superintendent General, and Inspector General of the Six Nations of Indians and their Confederates and also of the

evil in his character, have also been afforded to readers by the daughters of a more fortunate General, his son Sir John Burgoyne, who are now residing in Hampton Court, in the (t Political and Military Sketches '* published by their inspiration, by Mr. Fonblanque in 1876. These, with the " Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham," edited by Lord Albemarle in 1852, "The correspondence of the Duke of Bedford and Lord Chatham," "The Evelyn's in America, "contributed by J. D. Scull, Oxford, 1881, Judge Jones,' "History of New York in the Revolution," and the Gates papers, contributed by Dr. T. A. Emmett to the "Magazine of American History," are all among the recent proofs of the mellowing influence of Time upon History.

There appear to be many coincidences in the career of Burgoyne and that of Gates, identified as they were in service and in eventual destiny. Both types of the conventional gentleman, brilliant and epigrammatic with the pen and audacious with the sword. Equally open to a generous impulse, the error of self appreciation and a desire for rapid glory, both based some impression of infallibility on the rules of technical education and the prestige of former service. Both appear in history fit subjects to point the moral that while success is self recording, misfortune commands its equal right to a reliable record. With probably less natural ability than either, Gen. Carleton combined with courage and decision the additional requisite of business capacity. He appears to have received in all history, that which these brilliant cotemporaries sought for and failed to achieve, as a reward for his unassuming usefulness and admitted humanity. It has been considered whether there would have been a Saratoga in our roll of victories, had that active commander led the expedition. It was his singular fortune to serve in America through the war, to hold Quebec at its outset, and surrender New York at its conclusion. After the peace he became Lord Dorchester and remained in Canada as Commander-in-Chief of the British forces. The eccentric General Charles Lee, another soldier of the school of Burgoyne and Gates, influenced by his too little faith in Washington as a soldier-after the attempt to hold Fort Washington-and too much in a sense of his own educated superiority, attempted to treat, for a hasty completion of the war, as Dr. George H. Moore has shown, with an individuality too intense, to conceive its exercise treasonable.

Indians in the Province of Quebec, and in the Provinces lying on the Frontiers thereof.

I am happy to inform you of this Mark of His Majesty's Favor and Confidence and as it conveys to you most authentically